During the inspection of the submarine, only one body was identified - Dmitry Kolesnikov. Two notes were found on him. One was to his wife, a fragment of the text of which was nevertheless made public, the other, addressed to the command, was classified. It was in the second note that Kolesnikov outlined the true reasons for the crash of the nuclear submarine Kursk on August 12, 2000.

"15:45. It's dark to write here, but I'll try by touch... There seems to be no chance. 10-20 percent. Let's hope that at least someone will read. Here are the lists of personnel of the compartments, some are in the ninth and will try come out Hello everyone, there is no need to despair.

The events will take place in several cities. The funeral event will take place in St. Petersburg. At the Serafimovskoye cemetery, where 32 sailors out of 118 are buried, including the crew commander, captain of the first rank Gennady Lyachin.
A memorial service for the crew members of Kursk will be held in one of the city churches, where there is a copy of the icon painted in memory of the dead submariners. The Kursk submarine sank on August 12, 2000 during an exercise. All 118 sailors on board were killed. The cause of the crash was said to be an accidental explosion of ammunition on board the nuclear-powered ship.

NOTES OF THE FLEET OF CAPTAIN RICORD ABOUT HIS VOYAGE TO THE JAPANESE SHORE IN 1812 AND 1813, AND ABOUT RELATIONS WITH THE JAPANESE

Capture of Captain Golovnin by the Japanese at Kunashir Island. – The sloop weighs anchor and approaches the fortress. – The Japanese start shooting at us from cannons; We answer them, we knock down one battery, but we could not cause any harm to the main fortress. – Our attempts to communicate with the Japanese, but without success. - The trick they used to take possession of our boat. “We leave a letter and some things on the shore for our captured compatriots and set sail for Okhotsk. – Arrival in Okhotsk and my departure to Irkutsk, difficulties and dangers of this path. – In the spring I return again to Okhotsk with the Japanese Leonzyme. – Preparing the sloop for the voyage, for which I take 6 Japanese people brought from Kamchatka and set off for the island of Kunashiru. - The danger that threatened us with shipwreck on the island of St. Ions. – Arrival at Izmena Bay. – Our attempts to open negotiations with the Japanese were unsuccessful. – Leonzaima’s stubbornness and anger and his announcement that our prisoners were killed. “I release the Japanese brought on the sloop ashore and take other people from the Japanese ship, including its chief, from whom we learn that ours are alive. – Our departure with the captured Japanese from Kunashir and safe arrival in Kamchatka.

1811 On the 11th of the year at 11 o'clock in the morning and, if we count according to ancient custom from September, then on the 11th month of July, that sad incident befell us, which will remain indelible in the memory of all those who served on the sloop "Diana" for the rest of their lives and will always renew sorrowful feelings when remembering it. Readers know that the misfortune that befell Captain Golovnin, which plunged us into deep melancholy and struck our spirit with bewilderment, was unexpected. It destroyed all our flattering views about the possibility of returning this same year to the fatherland, which we enjoyed when leaving Kamchatka for the inventory Kuril Islands, for when the fatal blow occurred, separating us in the most terrible way from our worthy and beloved superior and from our five-year-old colleagues, no one any longer thought about returning to their relatives and friends, but everyone put their firm trust in God and unanimously decided, both officers and and the command, not to leave the Japanese shores until we have tried all possible means to free our fellow soldiers, if they are alive. If, as we sometimes believed, they were killed, until we take proper revenge on the same shores.

Having accompanied Mr. Golovnin with everyone who came ashore with him through the telescopes to the very city gates, where they were introduced, accompanied by a large number of people and, as it seemed to us from their excellent multi-colored attire, significant Japanese officials, and guided by the same rules as Mr. Golovnin, I He did not at all suspect the Japanese of treachery and was so blinded by the confidence in the sincerity of their actions that, remaining on the sloop, he was engaged in putting everything in the best order in case the Japanese arrived along with Mr. Golovnin as good visitors.

In the midst of such activities, around noon, our ears are suddenly struck by shots fired on the shore and, at the same time, by the extraordinary cry of the people, who ran in a crowd from the city gates straight to the boat on which Mr. Golovnin drove down to them on the shore. Through telescopes we clearly saw how these people, fleeing in disorder, grabbed masts, sails, oars and other accessories from the boat. By the way, it seemed to us that the shaggy Kuril men carried one of our rowers in their arms into the city gates, where everyone ran in and locked it behind them. At that very moment there was the deepest silence: the entire village on the sea side was covered with striped paper, and therefore it was impossible to see what was happening there, and no one appeared outside it.

With this violent act of the Japanese, cruel bewilderment about the fate of our colleagues who remained in the city tormented our imagination. Anyone can comprehend more conveniently from their own feelings, putting themselves in our place, than I can describe. Anyone who has read Japanese history can easily imagine what we should have expected from the vindictive nature of the Japanese.

Without wasting a minute, I ordered to weigh anchor, and we moved closer to the city, believing that the Japanese, seeing a warship nearby, would change their intentions and, perhaps, agree, by entering into negotiations, to hand over our captured ones. But soon the depth, which decreased to two and a half fathoms, forced us to anchor at a considerable distance from the city, to which, although our cannonballs could reach, we were not able to cause significant damage. And while we were preparing the sloop for action, the Japanese opened fire from a battery placed on the mountain, which fired cannonballs some distance further than our sloop. Preserving the honor of the national flag, respected by all enlightened powers, and now insulted, and feeling the justice of my cause, I ordered to open fire on the city with cannonballs. About 170 shots were fired from the sloop: we managed to shoot down the battery mentioned on the mountain. Moreover, we noticed that we did not make the desired impression on the city, which was closed on the sea side by an earthen rampart; nor did their shots do any damage to the sloop. Therefore, I considered it useless to continue to remain in this position, and ordered the firing to cease and the anchor to be weighed.

The Japanese, apparently encouraged by the cessation of our fire, fired indiscriminately throughout our distance from the city. Not having a sufficient number of people on the sloop with whom we could make a landing, we were not able to do anything decisive in favor of our unfortunate comrades (there were 51 people left on the sloop with the officers).

The loss of their beloved and revered captain, who took great care of them in crossing the great seas and in changing different climates, the loss of other colleagues, torn out of their midst by treachery and, perhaps, as they believed, killed in the cruelest way - all this to an incredible degree upset the servants on the sloop and aroused in them a desire to take revenge on the treachery to such an extent that everyone was gladly ready to rush into the middle of the city and with a vengeful hand either deliver freedom to their compatriots, or, having paid a dear price for the treachery of the Japanese, sacrifice their very lives. With such people and with such feelings it would not be difficult to make a strong impression over the treacherous enemies, but then the sloop would remain without any protection and could easily be set on fire. Consequently, any successful or unsuccessful assassination attempt would have remained forever unknown in Russia, and the information we collected during this last expedition in describing the southern Kuril Islands and the time-consuming and laborious description of the geographical position of these places would also not have brought any of the expected benefits.

Moving further away from the city, we anchored at such a distance that the cannonballs from the fortress could not reach us, and meanwhile it was necessary to write a letter to our captain who had been captured. In it we outlined how sensitive the loss was to us in the deprivation of our boss and colleagues and how unfair and contrary to people's law the act of the Kunashir boss; We were informed that we were now leaving for Okhotsk to report to the higher authorities that every single person on the sloop would be ready to lay down their lives if there were no others to help them out. The letter was signed by all the officers and placed in a tub standing on the roadstead. By evening, we pulled further along the supply chain further from the shore and spent the night in every possible readiness to repel an unexpected attack by the enemy.

In the morning, with the help of telescopes, we saw belongings being taken out of the city on pack horses, probably with the intention that we would not attempt to burn the city by any means. At eight o'clock in the morning, guided, although with extreme sadness, by the necessary position of service, by the order given by myself, according to the seniority of my rank, I took the sloops and crew under my jurisdiction and demanded from all the officers remaining on the sloop a written opinion on the means, which one of them recognizes for the best to the rescue of our compatriots. The general opinion is to abandon enemy actions, which could make the fate of the prisoners worse, and the Japanese may thereby encroach on their lives, if they are still saved, and go to Okhotsk to report this to the higher authorities, who can choose reliable means to rescue the captured, if they are alive, or to avenge treachery and violation of popular law if they are killed.

At dawn, I sent the navigator's assistant Sredny on a boat to the tub placed on the roadstead to inspect whether our letter had been taken the day before. Before he even reached it, he heard drumming in the city and returned in the hope that he would be attacked from the city on rowing ships. And in fact, we noticed one canoe that had rolled away, but it, having moved a little away from the shore, put back a tub with black weathercocks. Having seen this, we immediately weighed anchor in the intention of sailing closer to the city and sending a rowing vessel from us to inspect the aforementioned tub, whether there would be a letter or something else in it, by which we could find out about the fate of our comrades. But they soon noticed that this tub was attached to a rope, the end of which was on the shore, with the help of which they insensitively pulled it to the shore, thinking in this way to lure the boat closer and take possession of it. Having perceived this treachery, we immediately anchored. At the slightest opportunity, we caressed ourselves with the hope of learning about the fate of our unfortunate companions, for from the very time they became victims of Japanese treachery, their fate was completely unknown to us.

On the one hand, we thought that Asian vindictiveness, given such a hostile disposition, would not allow them to leave our prisoners alive for a long time, and on the other, we reasoned that the Japanese government, praised by everyone for its special prudence, would, of course, not dare to take revenge on seven people , who fell into his power. Thus lost in the unknown, we could think of nothing better than to show the Japanese that we considered our comrades alive and that we could not imagine that in Japan the lives of those captured were not preserved in the same way as in other enlightened countries. To this end, I sent midshipman Filatov to a village abandoned without people, located on a cape, ordering him to leave underwear, razors and several books prepared and laid out separately with inscriptions for each of the officers, and clothes for the sailors.

On the 14th, with sad feelings, we left Izmena Bay, rightly named by this name by the officers of the sloop "Diana", and went straight to the port of Okhotsk, being almost always surrounded by an impenetrable thick fog. This foggy weather alone caused this voyage some trouble; the winds were favorable and moderate. But the most terrible of all storms raged in my soul, while we sailed for several days in the calm winds in sight of the hated island of Kunashir! A faint ray of hope from time to time strengthened my gloomy spirit. I was flattered by the dream that we were not yet forever separated from our comrades; From morning to evening, I examined the entire seashore with a telescope, hoping to see one of them who had escaped from cruel captivity in a shuttle by the inspiration of Providence itself.

But when we emerged into the space of the Eastern Ocean, where our vision behind the density of the fog extended only a few fathoms, then the darkest thoughts took possession of me and did not cease day and night to fill my imagination with various dreams. I lived in a cabin that had been occupied by my friend Golovnin for five years, and in which many things remained in the same order as they had been placed by him on the very day of his departure for the ill-fated shore. All this was a very vivid reminder of his recent presence.

The officers who came to me with reports often, out of habit, made the mistake of calling me by the name of Mr. Golovnin, and with these mistakes they renewed the grief that brought tears from them and from me. What torment tormented my soul! How long ago, I thought, did I talk to him about the opportunity that presented itself to restore good agreement with the Japanese, which was violated by the reckless act of one daring person, and in the hope of such success, we rejoiced together and spiritually triumphed that we would become useful to our Fatherland. But what cruel turn followed instead? Mr. Golovnin, with two excellent officers and four sailors, was torn away from us by a people known in Europe only for the most severe persecution against Christians, and their fate is covered with an impenetrable veil for us. Such thoughts drove me to despair the whole way.

After sixteen days of successful sailing, the buildings of the city of Okhotsk appeared to our eyes, as if growing out of the ocean. The newly built church was taller and more beautiful than all other buildings. The low-lying cape, or, better to say, the sandbank on which the city is built, is not revealed from the sea until after examining all the buildings.

Wanting to get away without wasting time with the port, I ordered the cannon to be fired when the flag was raised, and while waiting for the pilot from the shore, we began to drift. Soon, Lieutenant Shakhov came to us from the head of the port with instructions to show us the best place. According to his instructions, we anchored. After this, I went to Okhotsk to report about the misfortune and loss of ours on the Japanese shores to the head of the fleet port, Captain Minitsky, with whom Mr. Golovnin and I were equally connected by friendship since the time of our service on English fleet. He expressed his sincere condolences for the misfortune that befell us. By my most diligent acceptance of mutual participation, my prudent advice and all the benefits that depended on him, I somewhat alleviated my grief, aggravated by the thought that the higher authorities from one simple report of mine about the capture of Mr. Golovnin by the Japanese could conclude at first glance that I had not carried out all those who depended on me ways to earn it.

Seeing that my stay in Okhotsk during the long winter was completely useless for the service, I went with the consent of Captain Minitsky in September to Irkutsk with the intention of going to St. Petersburg to report in detail about everything that happened to the Minister of the Navy in order to ask for his permission to campaign to the Japanese shores to free our compatriots remaining in captivity.

This is the end of the campaign, which cost us a lot of work and donations, which we endured with all the firmness in the consoling thought that having fulfilled the will of our government, we will render it a service by disseminating new information about the most distant places and upon our return we will taste pleasant peace among our compatriots. But contrary to all hopes, a terrible misfortune befell our boss and comrades!

In one winter I had to make the intended trip to St. Petersburg and back to Okhotsk, and therefore I was forced, without wasting time waiting for the winter journey to Yakutsk (where I arrived at the end of September), to ride again on horseback all the way to Irkutsk, which I managed to complete it in 56 days. In total, I traveled 3000 miles on horseback. I must admit that this land campaign was for me the most difficult of all that I have ever accomplished: the vertical shaking of horseback riding for a sailor accustomed to rushing along the smooth sea waves is more painful than anything in the world! With haste in mind, I sometimes ventured through two large stations a day, 45 miles each, but then not a single joint remained in me without the greatest relaxation. Even the jaws refused to perform their duties.

Moreover, the autumn route from Yakutsk to Irkutsk, possible only for horseback riding, is the most dangerous. Most of the riding is done along trails on the steep slopes that make up the banks of the Lena River. In many places, the springs flowing from their tops freeze with convex, very slippery ice, called scum by the Lena residents; and since Yakut horses are not shod at all, they almost always fall when crossing the ice. One day, without watching out for such a dangerous scum and riding quite quickly, I fell off my horse and, not having time to free my legs from the stirrups, I rolled along with her along the slope and paid for my indiscretion by damaging one of my legs. Having finished so cheaply, I thanked Providence that I did not break my neck. I advise everyone who is forced by necessity to ride along this icy road on horseback, not to think twice, because the horses there have a bad habit of constantly climbing up the slope, and when you run over a scum at such a steep slope, you cannot guarantee that if you fall along with the horse, you will remain in deep thoughts full head.

Arriving in Irkutsk, I was very kindly received by Mr. Civil Governor Nikolai Ivanovich Treskin, to whom I was supposed to appear in the absence of the Siberian Governor-General. He announced to me that having received my report about the misfortune through the Okhotsk commander, he had long since forwarded it to his superiors along with asking permission to send an expedition to the Japanese shores to rescue Captain Golovnin and other participants in his disaster. This unexpected, however favorable, circumstance for me (for this was the only reason I undertook a difficult trip from Okhotsk to St. Petersburg) forced me, in accordance with the assumption of Mr. Governor, to remain in Irkutsk awaiting the decision of the highest authorities.

Meanwhile, he, having taken a great part in the misfortune of Captain Golovnin, began with me to draw up the proposed expedition, which was soon sent for consideration to His Excellency the Siberian Governor-General Ivan Borisovich Pestel. But due to the very important political circumstances that existed at that time, there was no royal approval for this, but I was ordered by the highest order to return to Okhotsk with permission from the authorities to go with the sloop “Diana” to continue the inventory that we had not completed and also go to the island of Kunashir to inquire about the fate our compatriots captured by the Japanese.

During the winter, the Japanese Leonzaimo, known to readers (from Mr. Golovnin's notes), was brought to Irkutsk at the special call of the civil governor, who received him very favorably. Every possible effort was made to convince him of the friendly disposition of our government towards the Japanese. He, understanding our language quite well, seemed convinced of this and assured us that all the Russians in Japan were alive and our case would end peacefully. With this Japanese I went back to Okhotsk, but not on horseback, but in calm winter carts along the smooth Lena River all the way to Yakutsk, where we arrived at the end of March.

At this time of year, spring blooms in all countries blessed by nature, but winter still reigned here, and so severe that the ice floes used by poor residents instead of glass in windows were not yet replaced by mica as usual with the onset of a thaw, and the road to Okhotsk was covered very deep snow, which made travel on horseback impossible. Neither I nor my Japanese had the patience to wait for the snow to melt, so we set off on horseback on reindeer, with their owners, the good Tungus, as guides. I must do justice to this beautiful and most useful of all animals in the service of man: riding it is much calmer than riding a horse. The deer runs smoothly without any shaking, and is so humble that when it happened to fall off of it, it remained in place, as if rooted to the spot. In the first days we were subjected to this quite often due to the extreme awkwardness of sitting on a small swivel saddle without stirrups, placed on the very front shoulder blades, for the deer is very weak-backed and does not tolerate any burden on the middle of the back.

Arriving in Okhotsk, I found the sloop repaired in the most necessary parts. In total, the necessary correction, due to the great inconvenience of the Okhota River in many respects, was not possible to implement. Despite, however, such obstacles, with the assistance of the active port manager, Mr. Minitsky, we managed to prepare the sloop for the voyage in the exact same condition as in the best ports of the Russian state. Therefore, I consider it fair on this occasion to express gratitude to this excellent boss, who contributed a lot to the upcoming and happily completed journey. To increase the crew of the sloop "Diana", he added one non-commissioned officer and ten soldiers from the Okhotsk naval company, and for the safest navigation he gave under my command one of the Okhotsk transports - the brig "Zotik", on which Lieutenant Filatov, one of the officers, was made commander the sloop I commanded. In addition, Lieutenant Yakushkin left my team to command another Okhotsk transport, the “Pavel,” which was heading to Kamchatka with provisions.

On July 18, 1812, being completely ready to sail, I took on the sloop six Japanese people who had escaped from a Japanese ship wrecked on the Kamchatka shores to take them to their homeland. At 3 o'clock in the afternoon on July 22, we set off, accompanied by the brig Zotika.

My intention was to take the shortest route to Kunashir, that is, the Peak Channel or, at least, the De Vries Strait. On our way to the island of Kunashir, nothing particularly noteworthy happened, except that we were once exposed to extreme danger. Around noon on July 27, the sky cleared of cloudiness so that we could clearly determine our place, from which at noon the island of St. Jonah was south 37 miles. This island was discovered by Commander Billings during his voyage on the ship “Glory of Russia,” which he undertook from Okhotsk to Kamchatka. Geographical position it was very correctly determined by Captain Krusenstern based on astronomical observations. In general, it can be said that all those places that this skilled navigator identified can serve as almost as accurate verification of chronometers as the Greenwich Observatory.

Therefore, we did not doubt at all about our true position from this island, just as our place at noon of this day was determined with fairly accuracy. That’s why we began to steer in such a way as to pass the island about 10 miles away, and I ordered the brig “Zotik” through a signal to stay half a mile away from us. My intention was, if the weather allowed, to explore the island of St. Iona, very rarely seen by Okhotsk transports and company ships, since it does not lie on the route of the usual route from Kamchatka to Okhotsk.

From midnight on June 28, the wind continued to blow in thick fog, through which at 2 o’clock we saw a tall stone right in front of us at a distance of no more than 20 fathoms. At that time our situation was the most dangerous one could imagine: in the middle of the ocean, at such a close distance from a rocky rock, on which a ship could break into small pieces in a minute, it was impossible to even think about deliverance. But Providence was pleased to save us from the disaster that lay before us. In an instant, we turned away and reduced the speed of the sloop, and although by doing this it was impossible to completely avoid the imminent danger, it was possible to reduce the damage caused to the ship by hitting a rock or running into the shallows. By reducing the sloop's speed, we received one light blow bow part and, seeing a clear passage to the south, they went into it and passed the above-mentioned stone and other stones that were still exposed in the fog in a small strait.

Having passed this gate, we again, slowing down, surrendered to the mercy of the current and emerged through another strait between new stones to a safe depth. After this, having filled the sails, they moved away from these dangerous stones. The brig "Zotik" was given knowledge of imminent danger through a foggy signal, but he, keeping to our wind, avoided the great disaster that threatened us.

At four o'clock the fog cleared, and we saw the full extent of the danger from which we had escaped. The entire island of St. Jonah with the surrounding stones opened up very clearly. It has a circumference of about a mile and looks more like a large stone of a conical shape sticking out of the sea than an island, rocky and inaccessible from everywhere. To the east, at a close distance from it, lie four large stones, but between which of them the current carried us through the thick fog we could not notice.

When we looked at these giants rising out of the water, terrible for sailors in the middle of the ocean, our imagination was filled with much greater horror than what we were gripped by on the previous fateful night. The danger to which we were suddenly exposed passed so quickly that the fear of death, which was inevitably to follow, did not have time to revive in us when the sloop, it seemed, was about to hit and break into pieces on the first rock standing directly ahead. But while walking around it at such a close distance that one could run into it, suddenly the sloop, touching the shallows, shook violently three times. I confess that this shock shook my entire soul. Meanwhile, the waves hitting the rocks, tearing the air, with a terrible noise drowned out every command given on the sloop, and my heart sank with the last thought that in a general shipwreck, all the Japanese would also perish, through the shipwreck providence had sent us as a means of liberating our languishing captives. colleagues.

In addition to the island of St. Jonah, during clearing weather we had the pleasure of seeing the brig “Zotik” not far from us. Having thus given us a chance to look around, a thick fog covered us as before, and our vision, behind the density of it, extended around only a few fathoms. After this dangerous incident, apart from the usual obstacles at sea from contrary winds, we did not encounter anything particularly worthy of curiosity. We saw the first land at three o'clock in the afternoon on August 12; it formed the northern part of the island of Urupa. Opposite winds and fogs did not allow us to pass through the De Vries Strait before the 15th, and the same obstacles kept us off the coast of the islands of Iturup, Chikotan and Kunashir for another 13 days, so we did not enter the harbor of the last of these islands until the 26th of August.

Having examined all the fortifications in the harbor and passing by them no further than a cannon shot, we noticed a newly built battery with 14 cannons in 2 tiers. The Japanese hiding in the village did not fire at us from the very moment we appeared in the bay, and we could not see any movement. The entire village on the sea side was hung with striped fabric, through which only the roofs of the large barracks were visible; their rowing ships were all pulled ashore. From this appearance we had reason to conclude that the Japanese had put themselves in a better defensive position against last year, which is why we stopped at anchor two miles from the village. It is said above that among the Japanese on the Diana there was one who somewhat understood Russian, named Leonzaimo. He was taken out 6 years before by Lieutenant Khvostov. Through this man, a short letter was prepared in Japanese to the chief commander of the island, the meaning of which was extracted from a note delivered to me from the gentleman of the Irkutsk civil governor.

Mr. Governor, declaring in a note his reasons for why the sloop "Diana" landed on the Japanese shores, and describing the treasonous act of capturing Captain Golovnin, concluded the following: “Despite such an unexpected and hostile act, having been obliged to fulfill exactly the highest command of our Great Emperor, we are returning all the Japanese who were shipwrecked off the coast of Kamchatka to their fatherland. Let this serve as proof that there was not and is not the slightest hostile intention on our part; and we are confident that captain-lieutenant Golovnin and others captured on Kunashir Island will also be returned as completely innocent people who have not caused any harm. But if, beyond our expectations, our prisoners are not returned now, either for lack of permission from the highest Japanese government or for some other reason, then our ships will come again to the Japanese shores next summer to demand these people of ours.”

While translating this note, Leonzaimo, on whom I placed all my hope in diligently assisting in favor of our cause, clearly revealed his cunning. A few days before our arrival in Kunashir, I asked him to do the translation, but he always responded that the note was lengthy and he could not translate it, “I,” he said in broken Russian, “interpret what you tell me, and I will write a short letter, with us it is very tricky to write a long letter, the Japanese manner is not to like bowing; Write the most important thing, we’re Chinese, write all that, then write, you’ll completely lose your mind.” After such Japanese morality, I had to agree for him to explain at least one meaning. On the day of our arrival in Kunashir, calling him to the cabin, I asked for the letter. He handed it to me on a half sheet of paper, covered with writing all over it. According to the property of their hieroglyphic language, one letter expresses a whole speech, it should contain detailed description matters that seemed important to him for reporting to his government, and therefore very unprofitable for us. I immediately told him that it was very large for one of our subjects, and that they had added a lot of their own; I demanded that he read it to me, as best he could, in Russian.

Not at all offended, he explained that there were three letters: one brief about our business; another about a Japanese shipwreck in Kamchatka; the third is about his own misfortunes experienced in Russia. To this end, I announced to him that now only our note needs to be sent, and other letters can be left until a future occasion. If he certainly wants to send his letters now, then he should leave me copies of them. He immediately rewrote, without any excuse, a section of our short note; he stopped at others, saying that it was very difficult to rewrite. “How can it be surprising when you wrote it yourself?” He answered, angry: “No, I’d rather break it!” - and with these words he grabbed a penknife, cut off that part of the sheet on which two letters were written, put it in his mouth and with an insidious and vindictive look began to chew and swallowed it in front of me in a few seconds. What they contained remains a mystery to us. And necessity forced me to entrust myself to this cunning, apparently evil Japanese! I just needed to make sure that the remaining scrap really described our business.

Throughout the hike, often talking with him about different subjects Regarding Japan, I wrote down some translations of words from Russian into Japanese and was curious to know, without any intention then, how some Russian surnames that came to my mind were written in Japanese, including the name of the unfortunate Vasily Mikhailovich Golovnin, who was always present in my memory. I asked him to show me the place on the note where Mr. Golovnin’s name was written, and, after comparing the type of letters with those he had previously written, I was completely convinced that it was about him.

I instructed one of our Japanese to deliver this letter personally to the head of the island; we landed him on the shore opposite the place where we were anchored. The Japanese were soon met by shaggy Kurilians, who, presumably, were watching all our movements, hiding in the tall and thick grass. Our Japanese went with them to the village and as soon as he approached the gate, the batteries began firing cannonballs straight into the bay; these were the first shots since our arrival. I asked Leonzaim why they were firing when they saw that only one man, who had disembarked from the Russian ship, was taking bold steps towards the village? He answered: “In Japan everything is like that, the law is: don’t kill a person, but you have to shoot.” This incomprehensible act of the Japanese almost completely destroyed the comforting thought that had arisen in me about the possibility of negotiating with them.

At first, while overlooking the bay, we came close to the village, and they did not fire at us. But the reception given to our envoy plunged me again into despair, because it was difficult to comprehend the real reason for these shots: no movements were made on the sloop, and our boat, which was taking the Japanese to the shore, was already with the sloop. A crowd of people surrounded our Japanese at the gate, and we soon lost sight of him. Three days passed in vain waiting for his return.

All this time, our occupation consisted in the fact that from morning to evening we looked at the shore through telescopes, so that all objects, down to the smallest stamen (from the place where we landed our Japanese to the village itself), became completely familiar to us. Despite this, however, they often seemed to our imagination to be moving, and those deceived by such a ghost exclaimed with delight: “Our Japanese is coming!” Sometimes we were all in error for a long time; this happened during the rising of the sun in thick air, when, due to the refraction of rays, all objects increase in size in a strange way. We imagined crows wandering along the shore with spread wings as Japanese in their wide robes. Leonzaimo himself did not let go of the pipes for several hours in a row and seemed very alarmed, seeing that no one appeared from the village, which seemed to have turned into a closed coffin for us.

When night fell we always kept the sloop in battle formation. The deep silence was broken only by the echoes of the signals of our sentries, which, spreading throughout the entire bay, warned our hidden enemies that we were not asleep. Having a need for water, I ordered rowing ships with armed men to be sent to the river to fill barrels with water and at the same time landed another Japanese ashore so that he would notify the boss why Russian ship the ships went to the shore. I wanted Leonzaimo to write a short note about this, but he refused, saying: “When no response was made to the first letter, I am afraid, according to our laws, to write more,” and advised me to send a note in Russian, which could be interpreted by the person being sent. Japanese, which is what I did.

A few hours later this Japanese returned and announced that he had been introduced to the boss and gave him my note, but he did not accept it. Then our Japanese told him in words that people had gone ashore from the Russian ship to fill up with water at the river, to which the chief replied: “Okay, let them take water, and you go back!” - and without saying another word, he left. Our Japanese, although he remained for some time in the circle of furry Kurilians, but due to ignorance of the Kuril language, could not learn anything from them. The Japanese, who, as he told us, stood at a distance, did not dare to approach him, and finally the Kurilians almost forcibly escorted him out of the gate. In his innocence, the Japanese admitted to me that he had a desire to stay on the shore and asked the chief with tears to allow him to stay at least one night in the village, but he was angrily refused.

From such actions with our poor Japanese, we concluded that the first was no better received, but he, probably fearing, due to the inherent mistrust of the Japanese, to return to the sloop without any information about the fate of our prisoners, disappeared into the mountains or, perhaps, made his way to another some village on the island.

Wanting to stock up on water for one day, I ordered the remaining empty barrels to be sent ashore at four o’clock in the afternoon. The Japanese, who were watching all our movements, when our rowing ships began to approach the shore, began firing blank charges from their cannons. Avoiding any action that might seem unpleasant to them, I immediately ordered a signal to be made for all rowing vessels to return to the sloop. The Japanese, noticing this, stopped firing. During our seven-day stay in Betrayal Bay, we clearly saw that the Japanese in all their actions showed the greatest distrust of us, and the head of the island - either by his own arbitrariness or by order of the highest authorities - completely refused to have relations with us.

We were in the greatest perplexity as to how to find out about the fate of our prisoners. Last summer, things that belonged to these unfortunate people were left in the fishing village; we wanted to make sure whether they were taken by the Japanese. For this purpose, I ordered the commander of the brig “Zotik”, Lieutenant Filatov, to set sail and go to that village with armed people to inspect the things left behind. When the brig approached the shore, cannons were fired from the batteries, but in terms of range there was nothing to fear. A few hours later, Lieutenant Filatov, having completed the assigned task, reported to me that he had not found any of the things belonging to the prisoners in the house. This seemed to us a good sign, and the thought that our compatriots were alive encouraged us all.

The next day, I again sent a Japanese ashore to notify the chief for what purpose the Zotik went to the fishing village; A short note in Japanese was also sent with him. It took me great effort to convince Leonzyme to write it. It contained a proposal that the head of the island come to meet me for negotiations. In the same note, I wanted to describe in even more detail the intention with which our boat went to the fishing village, but the obnoxious Leonzaimo remained adamant. The Japanese sent returned to us the next day early in the morning, and through Leonzaim we learned from him that the chief accepted the note, but without giving any written answer from himself, he only ordered to say: “Okay, let the Russian captain come to the city for negotiations.” .

Such a response was the same as a refusal, and therefore it would be reckless on my part to agree to this invitation. Regarding the information about why our people went ashore to the fishing village, the chief answered: “What things? They were then returned back." This ambiguous answer upset the comforting thought of the existence of our prisoners. Our Japanese was also accepted, like the previous one: they did not allow him to spend the night in the village. And he spent the night in the grass opposite our sloop. It turned out to be completely useless to continue such unsatisfactory negotiations through our Japanese, who do not know the Russian language. We did not receive a single written response to the letters sent from us in Japanese at different times from the boss. And, apparently, there was nothing left for us to do but again move away from these shores with a painful feeling of the unknown.

I did not dare to send the Japanese Leonzaim, who knew Russian, to the shore for negotiations with the head of the island unless absolutely necessary, fearing that if he was detained on the island or did not want to return from there, then we would lose our only translator in him, and therefore I set out first use the following method. I considered it possible and correct, without violating our peaceful disposition towards the Japanese, to accidentally land on one of the Japanese ships passing through the strait, and without using weapons to seize the main Japanese, from whom we could receive accurate information about the fate of our prisoners, and through then free yourself, the officers and the crew from the painful, inactive situation and get rid of the second arrival to the island of Kunashir, which did not in the least promise better success in the enterprise. For experience has completely assured us that all measures to achieve the desired end were useless.

Unfortunately, for three days not a single ship appeared in the strait, and we thought that their shipping had ceased due to the autumn season. There now remained the last untested hope for Leonzaim, that is, to send him ashore to obtain possible information, and in order to find out the disposition of his thoughts, I first announced that he should write a letter to his house, for the sloop would go to sea tomorrow. Then his whole face changed and, with noticeable compulsion, thanking me for the notification, he said: “Okay, I’ll write, just so that they won’t wait for me home anymore.” And then he continued to speak with fervor: “Even if you kill me, I won’t go to sea again, now I have no choice but to die among the Russians.” With such thoughts a person could not be useful to us in any way; the bitterness of his feelings could not but be recognized as fair, knowing his six years of suffering in Russia. And I was even afraid that, having lost the hope of returning to his fatherland, he would not encroach on his life in a moment of despair, and therefore I had to decide to let him go ashore, so that he, knowing in detail all the circumstances of the unfortunate incident with us, would present the commander in the present he saw our current arrival, and persuaded him to enter into negotiations with us.

When I announced this to Leonzaim, he swore to return without fail, no matter what information he received, unless the boss detained him by force. For such a sales opportunity, I took the following precaution: together with Leonzaim, I sent another Japanese, who had already been to the village once, and provided the first with three tickets: on the first it was written “Captain Golovnin with others is in Kunashir”; on the second - “Captain Golovnin and others were taken to the city of Matsmai, Nagasaki, Eddo”; on the third - “Captain Golovnin and others were killed.” Giving these tickets to Leonzaim, I asked him, if the boss did not allow him to return to us, to give the ticket corresponding to the information received with a city mark or other note to the Japanese accompanying him.

On September 4 they were landed on the shore. The next day, to everyone’s joy, we saw both of them returning from the village, and a boat was immediately sent from us to fetch them. We caressed ourselves with the hope that Leonzaimo would finally provide us with satisfactory information. Without letting them out of our sight, through our spotting scopes we saw that another Japanese turned to the side and disappeared into the thick grass, and Leonzaimo alone came to us on the sent boat. When I asked where the other Japanese had gone, he answered that he didn’t know.

Meanwhile, we were all looking forward to hearing the news he brought. But he expressed a desire to tell me them in the cabin, where, in the presence of Lieutenant Rudakov, he began to retell with what difficulty he was admitted to the chief, who, as if not allowing him to say anything, asked: “Why didn’t the captain of the ship come ashore to hold advice? » Leonzaimo answered: “I don’t know, but now he sent me to you to ask you where Captain Golovnin is with the other prisoners.” Between fear and hope, we waited for the boss’s answer to this question, but Leonzaimo, hesitatingly, began to inquire whether I would treat him badly if he told the truth. And having received assurances from me to the contrary, he announced to us the terrible news in the following words: “Captain Golovnin and all the others were killed!”

Such news, which struck us all with deep sadness, produced in each of us that natural feeling that we could no longer look indifferently at the shore where the blood of our friends was shed. Having no instructions from my superiors on what to do in such a case, I recognized it as legal to inflict upon the villains what was within our power and, as it seemed to me, just, revenge, being firmly convinced that our government would not ignore such a villainous act on the part of the Japanese. I just had to have the surest proof than Leonzyme’s words alone. For this purpose, I sent him ashore again so that he could ask the Japanese commander for written confirmation of this. At the same time, Leonzaim and the remaining four Japanese sailors were promised complete liberation when we decided to act against the enemy. Meanwhile, I ordered both ships to be ready for an attack on the Japanese village.

Leonzaimo wanted to return that same day, but we did not see him. The next day he also did not show up from the village; it was completely hopeless to wait any longer for his return. In order to ascertain the terrible truth about the death of our prisoners, which, to our great consolation, had become doubtful due to the non-return of Leonzaim, I already took the firm intention not to leave the bay until an opportunity presented itself to capture a real Japanese from the shore or from some ship in order to find out the real truth, whether our prisoners are alive.

On the morning of September 6 we saw a Japanese canoe traveling. I sent Lieutenant Rudakov on two rowing ships to take possession of it, appointing two officers under his command - Messrs. Sredny and Savelyev, who volunteered for this first enemy action. Our sent detachment soon returned with a canoe, which he took possession of near the shore. The Japanese who were on it fled, and only two of them and one furry smoker were caught by Mr. Savelyev on the shore in thick reeds, from whom, however, we could not obtain any information regarding our prisoners. When I started talking to them, they immediately fell to their knees and answered all my questions with a hiss: “Heh, heh!” No amount of caresses could make them verbal animals. “My God,” I thought, “how miraculously will it be possible for us to someday enter into an explanation with this incomprehensible people?”

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G tins are an ancient genus. Not the Rurikovichs, of course, but family tree a century and a half is also a lot. The first of the surnames in historical documents was listed as “service man” Ignatius Golovnin. For special military merits he was granted a coat of arms and patrimony. However, the ancient is ancient, but impoverished and, as they say, without pretensions. “They became nobility” on the sly in Gulynki, an old village in Ryazan province. Here the first-born son of Mikhail Vasilyevich and Alexandra Ivanovna (nee Verderevskaya) appeared on April 8 (19), 1776, who was named Vasily.

For such small-scale noble offspring as Vasya Golovnin, their fate was written almost before birth. Grandfather and father served in the Preobrazhensky Guards Regiment, and Vasily was also registered as a sergeant there at the age of six. Further, as Mikhail Vasilyevich saw it, according to the established rules: the son needs to go through the ranks, rise to the rank of major, receive honorable retirement and settle in his native Gulynki.

Did not work out. His father and mother died early, and his relatives and guardians decided that the orphan (whose opinion had not been asked for many years) would go to sea. The reason was simple: the guard demanded money. Vasily did not have them, but his relatives did not want to spend money on undergrowth. In the Naval Cadet Corps, where the young man was assigned in 1788, everything was simpler.

The corps, founded in 1752 and transferred from St. Petersburg to Kronstadt in 1771, had seen better times. The premises where the cadets lived and studied were dilapidated, the supplies, which were already poor, were aggravated by the traditional Russian “stealing”. The law of conservation of energy and supply from the state treasury worked here one hundred percent: if it arrives somewhere, then somewhere it necessarily decreases. It arrived in the pockets of the captains and, let’s be honest, the higher authorities, but it went out in the stomachs of the cadets, who, in order to provide themselves with food, often had to “use the services” of neighboring vegetable gardens.

Nevertheless, the Naval Cadet Corps regularly fulfilled its task - it regularly produced batches of midshipmen, many of whom glorified Russia in all corners of the world and ocean. Vasily Golovnin also learned. And he immediately went to war. On the one hand, here it is, the life of a naval sailor: a handsome battleship, a formidable, but fair and all-knowing commander, “the smoke of formidable battles.” On the other hand... This, in fact, was a real war, and they could very well get killed in it. Cannonballs and bullets - they can’t tell who is in front of them: an old sea wolf, for whom death in battle is more honorable and sweeter than in bed from infirmities and illnesses, or a fourteen-year-old midshipman who has not yet truly seen life.

Relatives fought. Statesmen and historians probably knew well that the cousins, the Swedish king Gustav III and the Russian Empress Catherine II, did not share between themselves, but the midshipman of the 66-gun battleship Her Majesty's fleet "Don't touch me" Vasily Golovnin was not supposed to talk about this.

Immediately after entering the corps, Golovnin began keeping a “Notebook” - a remarkable document in which he meticulously recorded all the events that happened to him during his service from 1788 to 1817.

Regarding his time in the war with the Swedes, Vasily is extremely laconic: “I took part in a threefold battle,” meaning two battles at Krasnaya Gorka on May 23 and 24, 1790, which ended without a clear advantage for one of the sides, and the Battle of Vyborg on June 22, in in which the Russian fleet won. Already from his youth, Golovnin’s character is evident - modest, without flaunting his merits and talents. After all, he not only participated, but received a military medal. And this means that he did not sit in the hold, he proved himself, despite his “land” origin, as a real sailor.

* * *

Vasily was supposed to complete his studies at the Naval Corps in 1792. At the final exams, he was the second in the number of points scored among the entire graduating class. But his comrades became midshipmen, and he was made a “repeater.” The reason is the young age of midshipman Golovnin: he was not yet seventeen. Here it is, justice: you’re welcome to go to war at fourteen, but releasing a capable student and allowing him to put on a midshipman’s uniform is still too young.

And again Vasily showed a strong character beyond his years. A sailor, of course, is not supposed to cry, but it was offensive to the point of tears. However, he didn’t give up, he survived and, since this happened, he persistently continued to study further. This extra year gave Golovnin almost more than the previous four. He took up physics, literature, and the English language - which at that time was inferior in “fashionability” to French, but, as it turned out, was very useful in his future service. And then, in Last year in the building, devouring books about distant travels one after another, Vasily became passionate about travel.

In January 1793, the long-awaited promotion of Golovnin to midshipman finally took place. On the estate, in Gulynki, things were not going well; he should have taken care of the housekeeping, but Vasily prefers the duties of a landowner sea ​​voyages. He obtained an assignment on the transport on which the Russian embassy was heading to Stockholm, now friendly. In 1795–1796 served on the ships "Raphael" and "Pimen", as part of the squadron of Vice Admiral P.I. Khanykov, which opposed the French in the North Sea. And in April 1798, Vasily Golovnin was appointed flag officer to the squadron of Rear Admiral M.K. Makarov, junior flagship of Vice Admiral Khanykov.

This is already a serious position, “direct assistant to the commander,” as it was said in the naval manuals. Often “their own” were appointed to it, under patronage. Golovnin had no patronage, but Mikhail Kondratyevich Makarov noticed the energetic and inquisitive officer even without it. And I was not mistaken. “He has very good behavior, knows his position well and performs it with zeal for service,” Makarov wrote in 1801 about Golovnin, who had already become a lieutenant. - And besides, from knowing him in English, was used for translating English signals and other matters... Therefore, I make it my duty to recommend him to those worthy of promotion and henceforth I wish to have him on my team.”

Contrary to the wishes of Rear Admiral Makarov, Golovnin did not serve under him for long. In June 1802 he was among the twelve best young officers Russian fleet was sent to England to improve, study, and learn from experience. Then such business trips lasted not months but years. I had to see a lot, although in his “Notebook” Vasily Mikhailovich was brief: he served on various English ships, in four years on seven, sailed in different seas. During these years, Britain competed with France for supremacy at sea, Golovnin had the opportunity to participate in the fighting of the British in the Mediterranean Sea and the West Indies, serving under the command of the famous admirals Cornwallis, Nelson, Collingwood. The last two left commendable certifications for the Russian sailor. A considerable honor, by the way, but Golovnin is true to himself - there is not a word about this in his notes.

At the beginning of August 1806, Vasily Mikhailovich returned to Kronstadt. Twenty days later, Lieutenant Golovnin received under his command the first ship, the Diana. At first glance, the ship is inconspicuous - a three-masted sloop, converted from an ordinary timber transport, sixty crew, twenty-two guns. But "Diana" was not intended for battles.

Literally a few days before Golovnin returned from England, the Nadezhda and Neva, the ships on which Ivan Kruzenshtern and Yuri Lisyansky made the first in the history of the Russian fleet, moored in the Kronstadt port. round the world expedition. Golovnin and his “Diana” had to continue what they started. The government decided to send the sloop on a round-the-world expedition, the main goal of which was geographical discoveries in the northern part Pacific Ocean. Along the way, “Diana” was supposed to deliver cargo to Okhotsk, in those years the main port of Russia on its eastern outskirts.

For almost a year, Golovnin, his deputy Pyotr Rikord, with whom Vasily Mikhailovich had a long-term friendship, and the crew carefully selected by the captain himself prepared the Diana for long journeys. In addition, Golovnin processed materials from a business trip to England (the result was the book “Comparative Notes on the State of the English and Russian Fleets”) and, on instructions from the Navy Ministry, was involved in compiling a Code of Military and Naval Signals for Day and Night Time, which was used in the Russian Navy for more than quarter of a century.

On July 25, 1807, the Diana weighed anchor. The fact that the journey would not be easy became clear literally from the very first miles traveled: in the eastern part of the Gulf of Finland, the ship was caught in a storm, with a thunderstorm, which Golovnin had never seen in other seas.

The first stop was made on August 7 in Copenhagen. Here, bad news awaited the Russian sailors, which, as it turned out, became harbingers of future troubles. The situation in the Danish capital was tense. During the Napoleonic Wars, Denmark, largely due to the hostile actions of the British fleet, took the side of France. Having entered into an alliance with Napoleon, Denmark was preparing to join the continental blockade of Britain. But the British forestalled the enemy and landed troops on the Danish coast on August 16. Since the Kingdom of Denmark was at that time an ally of Russia in the Baltic, this displeased the Russian government and led to a worsening of relations between St. Petersburg and London.

"Diana" managed to leave Copenhagen before the Anglo-Danish war began. But she was on her way to the British shores. Arriving in Portsmouth, Vasily Mikhailovich immediately realized that the situation was heating up. By agreement with the English government, the trade department was supposed to supply the Russian ship with the necessary supplies. However, Golovnin was required to pay the duty that was levied on merchant ships, although the Diana was listed as a warship. It took the intervention of the Russian consul to resolve this situation.

Vasily Mikhailovich felt how a “misunderstanding” between the two countries could turn out, and therefore decided to play it safe. While his Diana was in Portsmouth, he went to London to obtain special permission from the British government to conduct scientific research in the colonial waters of the empire. At some point in the capital, it seemed that his fears were in vain - he learned that Admiral Senyavin’s squadron was about to arrive in Portsmouth for a friendly (!) visit. But I still received the necessary paper.

By the end of October, all formalities were settled, and on the 31st the Diana left Portsmouth. The sloop crossed the Atlantic Ocean for two months. On January 2, 1808, land appeared on the horizon - acquaintance with South America for Russian sailors began from the small Brazilian island of St. Catherine. After a ten-day stay, the captain had to make a decision on how to move on. There are two options: go around Cape Horn or head for Africa, go around the Cape of Good Hope and go through the Indian Ocean to the Pacific. The first route is shorter, but the Diana, which was not very fast, will not reach Cape Horn before March. This means that there is a high probability of becoming “hostage” to the strongest westerly winds. And Golovnin decided to change the route, turning to the Cape of Good Hope.

* * *

Transition to the shores African continent went well, the weather was favorable for the Russian sailors. On April 18, Vasily Mikhailovich noted in his “Notebook”: “At 6 o’clock, the coast of the Cape of Good Hope suddenly appeared to us, right in front of us... It is hardly possible to imagine a more magnificent picture than the view of this coast in which it appeared to us. The sky above him was completely clear, and not a single cloud was visible either on the high Table Mountain or on the others surrounding it. The rays of the sun rising from behind the mountains, spilling a reddish color in the air, depicted, or, better to say, cast perfectly all the slopes, steepnesses and small elevations and irregularities located on the tops of the mountains.”

Vasily Mikhailovich, like any sailor, was pleased - the long journey was over, there was time and opportunity to relax and enjoy the surrounding beauty. In Simon's Town Bay, in the British Cape Colony, where the Diana dropped anchor, there was an English squadron. There, on the flagship Rezonable, Golovnin sent his deputy on an obligatory courtesy visit.

Time passed, but Ricord did not return. Finally, a boat appeared, but instead of Ricord, a British lieutenant boarded the Diana. Courteously, but very coldly, he said: two empires, British and Russian, are at war.

What happened while the Diana was sailing from South America to the shores of Africa? Without going into details and without ranking according to the principle of “who is right and who is wrong,” we will note the main thing. Having been defeated in the campaigns of 1806 and 1807, Alexander I was forced to begin negotiations with Napoleon. On June 25, a meeting of two emperors took place in Tilsit (now Sovetsk, Kaliningrad region), as a result of which peace was signed between Russia and Prussia on one side and France on the other. Russian empire joined the continental blockade of Great Britain, and after the British captured Copenhagen on November 7, 1807, fighting began.

Although the clashes between the fleets of the two states, which took place in the Atlantic Ocean, the Mediterranean, Adriatic, Barents and Baltic Seas, were not large-scale, this was little consolation for Golovnin and his subordinates. The bleak situation looked like this: “Diana,” a warship, entered the territorial waters of a hostile state (unfortunately, Golovnin did not encounter a single ship during the transition and no one could warn him about the outbreak of war), she was surrounded by superior enemy forces, resisting was not only useless, but simply stupid. This meant that the Diana became a prize ship, and the fate of her and her crew had to be decided by the command of the British squadron.

The last hope remained - a “safe conduct letter” received in London. To some extent, it worked - the British officers did not dare to “take” “Diana” as a prize and were forced to refer the question of her fate to higher authorities. The Russian sailors found themselves in a kind of limbo: they were considered not prisoners, but “detained until further notice from their superiors.” And it, apparently, was not going to give these orders, despite the fact that Golovnin repeatedly wrote to both Kapshtat and London, to the British Admiralty. At the same time, in Simonstown they decided (perhaps on an unspoken “recommendation” from above) that since the Russians were not considered prisoners, it was not at all necessary to feed them and supply them with everything they needed.

This went on for ten months. Vasily Mikhailovich, a researcher by spirit, studied the flora and fauna of the area, compiled a detailed description of the Cape of Good Hope, and studied, as far as possible, the life of the indigenous population. And he continued to write letters. When he realized that it was useless, he decided to run away. Here, first of all, it was necessary to resolve the “dilemma of honor,” because earlier Golovnin had promised the British not to attempt to escape: “When I was convinced that in this matter between the British and me justice was on my side, then I decided, without losing the first opportunity, to extract the team entrusted to me from the extreme that threatened us.”

The “technical” part - how to get out of the depths of the bay from under the noses of many enemy ships - Golovnin decided by going out to sea several times with the permission of the British. The investigative mindset also helped here: Vasily Mikhailovich determined that if in the bay where the Diana was moored, in dry weather the west or north-west wind blows, then at the same time in the open sea the south or south-east prevails. This allowed the captain to accurately determine the favorable moment for escape. It came on May 16th. The British squadron stood with its sails lowered. When the northwest wind began to pick up and it began to get dark, Golovnin decided it was time. He gave the order to set storm sails and cut off the anchor ropes (choosing anchors was too long and noisy).

There is a version that the command of the English squadron deliberately did not prevent the escape of the Russian ship. It is not confirmed by anything, although it is not without foundation. For the British, “Diana” became a burden: it would be somehow “inconvenient” to look indifferently at how Russian sailors would soon begin to die of hunger, but there was no reason to help them. That is why they allegedly decided to let the Russians go in peace, although the nearest ship immediately reported to the flagship that sails were being set on the Diana. But even if so, this does not at all detract from Golovnin’s courage and determination - he could not know for sure about the intentions of the British, whatever they were. And therefore he wrote in his diary, having every right to do so: “This day, for many reasons, is one of the most critical and remarkable in my life.”

As they say in such cases, there were two news for Russian sailors. Good - the wind and weather again favored the rapid progress of the Diana. Bad - we had to eat moldy crackers and corned beef, there wasn’t enough fresh water. It was possible to replenish supplies on the island of Tanna in the New Hebrides archipelago (now owned by the state of Vanuatu), where “Diana” arrived on May 25, 1809. Golovnin, who respected any people, regardless of the degree of their “savagery,” quickly and successfully managed to establish contact with local residents.

After a week's stay, "Diana" set off again. On August 13 she crossed the equator, on September 23 she reached the shores of Kamchatka, and on the 25th she entered Petropavlovsk Bay. The journey, which lasted 794 days (of which 326 were under sail, 468 were at anchor), was the end.

However, this point had a continuation. Almost immediately after the Diana arrived in Petropavlovsk, Vasily Mikhailovich began preparing the ship for spring navigation. He didn’t want to spend the winter doing nothing either—sitting in one place for many months was too tiring. He equipped the sledges and set off in mid-January 1810, taking the young midshipman Nikandr Filatov as his partner. Moving from one Kamchadal settlement to another, making treks of forty to fifty miles, we traveled around the peninsula in two months. The trip turned out to be instructive and useful - Golovnin, who at first “didn’t like Kamchatka,” upon closer acquaintance saw the enormous potential and resources of this distant region.

* * *

At the end of April 1811, the Diana went to sea again. Golovnin was tasked with describing and determining the astronomical position of the Kuril and Shantar Islands and the shores of the Tatar Strait. Vasily Mikhailovich, already promoted to captain-lieutenant and awarded several orders, intended to begin an inventory from the Strait of Hope, to leave south of the island Hokkaido and then climb along the eastern coast of Sakhalin to the Shantar Islands.

Having completed the exploration of the islands of the Kuril ridge, the inhabitants of which considered themselves Russian subjects, Golovnin sent “Diana” further. Vasily Mikhailovich, approaching Japanese possessions, acted with caution, but since the expedition was peaceful, he did not avoid contacts with the Japanese. Due to strong winds and fog, Diana was forced to maneuver off the coast of the islands of Kunashir, Iturup and Shikotan for two weeks. The ship was running out of provisions and water, and the captain decided to go to Kunashir, where, according to available information, there was a convenient harbor. On July 4, "Diana" anchored. Golovnin, together with midshipman Fedor Mur, navigator’s assistant Andrei Khlebnikov and sailors Simonov, Makarov, Shkaev and Vasilyev, went ashore...

Vasily Mikhailovich spoke about what happened next, about Japanese captivity, which lasted more than two years, in the book that this article anticipates. To the question “how was it?” Golovnin answered in more detail, but we will focus on why this happened.

We will have to start from afar, from the middle of the 16th century, when the first Europeans landed on the Japanese shores - first the Portuguese, and then the Spaniards. At first, everything went well and to mutual benefit - trade was actively developing, and missionaries, mainly Jesuits, soon followed the merchants. Local feudal lords not only allowed them to preach freely, but also actively accepted Christianity and forced their vassals to do so.

“At the beginning of the release about an emergency incident in the Barents Sea. During the exercise, the Kursk multi-purpose nuclear submarine, which was at sea in the area of ​​the exercise, did not contact at the established time...”

On Monday, August 14, 2000, all news broadcasts of Russian television channels began with similar messages. For two days already, the nuclear-powered missile submarine Kursk had been lying on the bottom of the Barents Sea, 175 kilometers from Murmansk. Then it took another 9 days for management Northern Fleet announced the official version of what happened: an experimental Project 65-76 hydrogen peroxide torpedo exploded in the stern of the submarine. It is now well known that one of the crew members wrote to relatives a week before the ship set sail: “We have death on board.” On August 12, 2000, death received a monstrous embodiment. Shortly before noon, during an exercise in the Barents Sea, the boat rose to periscope depth to fire a torpedo salvo at mock enemy targets. At 11:28 a.m., the Norwegian seismic station recorded the first explosion, the power of which ranged from 150 to 200 kilograms of TNT. From this moment the countdown of the tragedy began, the name of which is “Kursk”.

At the beginning of August 2000, exercises took place in the Barents Sea. On July 20, a practical peroxide torpedo 65-76 PV was loaded on board. On August 12, an hour before noon, a conditional enemy - an "aircraft carrier group" led by the nuclear cruiser "Peter the Great" - passes through the Kursk firing area, at which the K-141 should fire a practical torpedo between 11:40 and 13:40.

At 11:28:26, the acoustics of the flagship of the Northern Fleet recorded the first explosion, at 11:30:42 - the second.

For Norwegian seismic stations it is a small earthquake. Between explosions, with a bow trim of 40 degrees, the Kursk sinks to the bottom. A depth of 108 meters for a cruiser 154 meters long is ridiculous. If you place it vertically, a third of the body will rise above the water.

At 13:50, an entry appears in the logbook at the Northern Fleet command post: “At 13:50, begin to act according to the worst-case scenario,” but only 10 hours later a combat alert is announced. At 4:38 "Peter the Great" discovers "Kursk". Only at 8:33 - almost a day after the accident - a search plane takes off. Divers descend to the bottom over and over again - to no avail. The cruiser lies with a list to starboard, and it is impossible to hermetically dock with the coaming platform. There are still living people behind the hatch of the 9th compartment. At least until 11 a.m. on August 14, the acoustics of surface ships record a tapped SOS. In a week they will still ask the Norwegians for help. When they open the hatch of compartment 9 after 30 hours, there will be water inside. There were no air bubbles that the relatives were so hoping for.

There will be many versions of what happened. According to the official version, the first explosion was a practical torpedo that had become unusable (from unofficial versions, the crew did not know how to handle it). Due to the explosion, the first torpedo compartment is flooded with water, and the boat sinks to the ground. Upon collision with the bottom (according to another version - due to a fire), the entire torpedo ammunition detonates, instantly killing 95 people - the confined space of the boat becomes a crematorium with a temperature of 500 degrees.

Lieutenant Commander Dmitry Kolesnikov and 22 other people in the water and without light are moving to the aft 9th compartment. The 27-year-old officer writes the famous note, thanks to which the names of those killed not as a result of the explosion and the last time stamp: 15:15 (August 12) become known.

Among the versions of the death of the Kursk is an attack by the American submarines Memphis or Toledo, which were observing the tests of the Shkval torpedo-missile: having heard the opening of the K-141 torpedo tube, the American decided that they were going to attack it, and did it first (they say , in the context of warming relations with the United States, the Russian leadership decided to sacrifice the lives of 118 people and not start a third world war). From the facts: Russian media will film exclusively the left side of the already raised Kursk. The round hole with concave edges on the starboard side will remain only in the footage of French documentaries - they will immediately remember about the MK48 torpedo. A variant of this conspiracy theory is the explosion of a Russian 65-76 PV torpedo due to contact with the Toledo's bow rudders - either accidental or targeted. There was also a “friendly fire” version: the anti-ship missile launched from the Peter the Great hit the Kursk.

A year later, the whole country knows what GIANT 4 is (the barge that will transport the raised cruiser), how many technological holes will be cut in the hull (26) and why the first compartment is cut off with a huge saw under water (to protect it from detonation). The Kursk is being raised by the Dutch, but it seems that the whole world is raising it.

President Putin will long be remembered for his grin, the phrase “she drowned” in an interview with Larry King, and the fact that he interrupted his vacation in Sochi only after 5 days. Putin will say openly: “I would not blame the military,” although it was obvious that official versions information about what happened with the submarine changed one after another. The meeting of the president with the relatives of those killed in Vidyaevo without television cameras, in his hearts he said “there is not a single thing in the country” and the confession “I am ready to answer questions for my hundred days, and for those 15 years I am ready to sit on the bench with you and ask them to others “will not receive the same distribution in the mass consciousness.

Putin was not afraid to come to the raging people: “What a suicide... we’ll tear him to pieces,” this was the mood with which the president was greeted. The country looks at the apartment of the widow of the commander of the newest nuclear cruiser and does not believe: there is peeling paint on the walls of the dimly lit entrance - this is the kind of entrance where Russia lived in the early 2000s. The president's motorcade traveling to Vidyaevo is headed by five police officers - no “black geldings”. ORT, owned by Boris Berezovsky, who joined the opposition to the president, shows all this.

The reaction of the media is by no means unanimous. “Red Star” writes on August 15: “Contact has been established with the submarine, there is contact with the personnel” (later, before Kolesnikov’s note appears, officials will unanimously state: “the crew died in the first hours after the accident”). Synchronized by an NTV correspondent on August 16: “Foreign assistance was accepted by Russia only three days after it was offered by several countries.” On August 17, Izvestia described in detail the president’s Sochi tan. The report contains a rhetorical question full of cynicism: “They say that Putin was very worried - he knows (or already knew?) the commander of the Kursk personally.” The front page of MK from August 21: a photo of President Putin on vacation in Sochi, Defense Minister Sergeev playing billiards, and Navy Commander Kuroyedov with the caption “They are not drowning.”

Admiral Popov will take off his cap live and ask for forgiveness “for not saving your men.” In 2001, he will leave the post of commander of the Northern Fleet and become a member of the Federation Council. Fleet Admiral Vladimir Kuroyedov will command the Navy until 2005. Marshal Sergeev will resign in March 2001 and work as an assistant to the president for three years. President Vladimir Putin will be successfully elected for two more terms with a break in the White House. Of the 118 bodies killed on the Kursk, 115 will be identified.

32 submariners were buried in St. Petersburg, at the cemetery named after St. Seraphim of Sarov.

1.

in Murmansk, on the observation deck near the Church of the Savior on Waters

On August 26, 2000, a Decree of the President of Russia was signed to perpetuate the memory of its crew. On September 11, 2000, one of the mountain peaks of the Central Caucasus Range was named “Kursk” - in honor of the dead crew members of the Kursk submarine.

Engraved on the granite monument are the words: “Don’t despair!” They are taken from a letter from Lieutenant Dmitry Kolesnikov, who wrote them in the battened 9th compartment of a sunken submarine. there, for 10 long days, the 23 surviving submariners waited for help.

"KURSK". Letters from the Abyss...

Who will tell us a few honest words about death,
It’s a pity that the fallen sailors don’t have black boxes -
The pencil breaks, it's cold, dark,
Captain Kolesnikov writes us a letter.

There are a few of us left on the cold bottom -
Three compartments have been blown up, two are still on fire,
I know there is no salvation, but if you believe, wait,
You will find my letter on your chest.

Kursk twitched like a ragged grave, froze,
As a farewell, I cut the ropes of torn veins.
It's cloudy over the water, seagulls, ships,
The submarine is sleeping on the ground, but how far is it from the ground?

Afterwards they will lie about what happened for a long time,
Will the commission tell you how difficult it is to die,
Which of us are the same age, which is a hero, which is a schmuck...
Captain Kolesnikov writes us a letter.

Yu. Shevchuk

Mystic?

In 1995, the nuclear submarine "KURSK" became part of the Russian Northern Fleet.

This is what the sign for the launch of the nuclear submarine looked like. Look closely at the details of the sign.
The coat of arms of the city of Kursk, against which there are three partridges flying upward...
Harmless birds, so what? Moreover, the coat of arms of the sponsored boat, the city...
But, since ancient times, sailors all over the world have had their own traditions, laws and signs...
M i s t i k a... But on maritime language birds flying into the sky are souls
dead sailors. But such a coat of arms was displayed on the submarine’s wheelhouse...
In the center of the sign, as expected, the St. Andrew's flag flutters... and on the sides -
Russian flag at half-mast... But this is only 1994...

https://defendingrussia.ru/a/submarine_k_141_kursk-3457/

http://www.svoboda.org/a/24674230.html