Prince Gorchakov: the great chancellor of the empire, the last lyceum student. USE. Russian history. Alexander II. Material for a historical essay. Statesmen. A.M. Gorchakov

27.09.2019

As Minister of Foreign Affairs, he managed to keep the Russian Empire away from acute European conflicts.

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov is one of the best diplomats in the history of Russia. As Minister of Foreign Affairs, he managed to keep the Russian Empire away from acute European conflicts and return his state to its former position as a great world power.
Rurikovich

Alexander Gorchakov was born into an old noble family descended from the Yaroslavl Rurik princes. Having received a good education at home, he brilliantly passed the exam and was admitted to the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum. It was the first set of an educational institution, in which the most prominent people of their time ended up in the future. One of Gorchakov's friends in the Lyceum was Pushkin, who wrote about his comrade "a pet of fashion, a friend of great society, a brilliant observer of customs." For his excessive zeal and ambition, Sasha Gorchakov received the nickname "dandy" at the Lyceum.

The liberal lyceum atmosphere instilled valuable qualities in the future diplomat, which later affected his domestic and foreign policy convictions. Even at the Lyceum, he advocated the introduction and expansion of civil rights and freedoms and the restriction of serfdom. Already at the Lyceum, Gorchakov knew what he wanted and confidently aimed for the diplomatic service. He was well educated, distinguished by excellent knowledge of several languages, wit and breadth of outlook. In addition, young Gorchakov was extremely ambitious. He recalled his young self with irony and claimed that he was so ambitious that he carried poison in his pocket if he was passed over.

Fortunately, Alexander did not have to use poison, he decisively began his career. Already at the age of twenty-one, he was with Count Nesselrod at congresses in Tropau, Ljubljana and Verona. Gorchakov's career developed rapidly. By that time, he hardly remembered the poison in his pocket.

After Crimean War

Gorchakov's main achievements in the diplomatic service are connected with his work on settling international politics after the Crimean War, the defeat of Russia in which put the country in a disadvantageous and even dependent position.
The international situation in Europe changed after the war. The Holy Alliance, in which Russia played a leading role, collapsed, and the country found itself in diplomatic isolation. Under the terms of the Peace of Paris, the Russian Empire practically lost the Black Sea, lost the opportunity to deploy a fleet there. According to the article "on the neutralization of the Black Sea", the southern borders of Russia remained bare.

Gorchakov urgently needed to change the situation and take decisive steps to change the place of Russia. He understood that the main task of his activities after the Crimean War should be to change the conditions of the Paris Peace, especially in the matter of neutralizing the Black Sea. The Russian Empire was still under threat. Gorchakov needed to look for a new ally. Prussia, gaining influence in Europe, became such an ally.
Gorchakov decides to make a "knight's move" and writes a circular in which he unilaterally breaks the Treaty of the Paris Peace. He bases his decision on the fact that the rest of the countries do not comply with the terms of the previous agreements. Prussia supported the Russian Empire, she already had enough weight to influence the international situation. France and England were, of course, unhappy with this, but during the London Conference of 1871, the "neutrality of the Black Sea" was abolished. The sovereign right of Russia to build and maintain a military fleet here was confirmed. Russia rose again from its knees.

Great power neutrality

The policy of neutrality became the credo of Gorchakov's foreign policy. He himself repeated more than once: "There are no such divergent interests that could not be reconciled by zealously and persistently working on this matter in the spirit of justice and moderation."
He managed to localize the flaring wars, preventing them from growing to a continental scale, when crises broke out - Polish, Danish, Austrian, Italian, Cretan ...

He was able to keep Russia out of sharp conflicts, protecting it from military involvement in European problems, for more than twenty years.
Meanwhile, Europe was rocked by endless conflicts: the Austro-Franco-Sardinian War (1859), the Austrian-Prussian War against Denmark (1865), the Austro-Prussian War (1866), the Austro-Italian War (1866), the Franco-Prussian War (1870–1871).

Resolution of the Polish crisis

The Polish crisis, which erupted as a result of the strengthening of national liberation movements, became a key link in European politics in the 60s of the 19th century. The events in Poland served as a pretext for the intervention of France and England in Polish affairs: the governments of these countries defiantly demanded that Russia meet the demands of the rebels. A noisy anti-Russian campaign unfolded in the English and French press. Meanwhile, weakened after the Crimean War, Russia could not afford to lose Poland, and its refusal could lead to the collapse Russian Empire.

The climax of the diplomatic battle came on June 5, 1863, when English, French and Austrian dispatches were handed over to Gorchakov. Russia was asked to declare an amnesty for the rebels, restore the constitution of 1815 and transfer power to an independent Polish administration. The future status of Poland was to be discussed by a European conference.
On July 1, Gorchakov sent dispatches in response: Russia denied the legitimacy of the third-party suggestions to the three powers and vigorously protested against interference in its own internal affairs. The right to consider the Polish question was recognized only for the participants in the divisions of Poland - Russia, Prussia and Austria. Thanks to the efforts of Gorchakov, another anti-Russian coalition did not take shape.

He managed to play on the Anglo-French contradictions around the Vienna Convention of 1815, and on the fear of Austria to get into new war. Poland and France were left alone. Overcoming the Polish crisis by means of classical as well as public diplomacy is considered to be the pinnacle of Gorchakov's political career.

Finding a new ally

Against the backdrop of the betrayal of Austria and the unfriendly neutrality of Prussia during the Crimean War, as well as international isolation as a result of the conflict, the Russian Empire had an urgent need to find a new ally. It turned out to be the United States, one of the main enemies of England, which at that time was engulfed in the Civil War between North and South.
In 1863, Alexander II authorized a very risky action - a hidden passage of two squadrons Russian fleet to the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the United States, thus demonstrating the support of the North. For the fragile American statehood, the certainty of Russia's position turned out to be very useful. As conceived by the organizers of the campaign, the expedition was designed to show the whole world Russia's self-confidence, despite the threats that sounded against her in connection with the Polish events. It was the real challenge.

Nevertheless, this bold step, at that time, presented Russia with a new promising ally, to whom, subsequently, Alaska would be sold at the initiative of Gorchakov. Today, this political move seems unjustified, but in the second half of the 19th century it made it possible to complete Alexander's reform reforms and restore the country's economy.

Gorchakov Alexander Mikhailovich (1798-1883) - Russian statesman, diplomat, His Serene Highness Prince. He came from an ancient princely family, one of the branches of the Rurikovich. He was born on June 4 (15), 1798 in Gapsala (modern Haapsalu, Estonia) in the family of Major General M.A. Gorchakov. He received an excellent home education. He studied at the gymnasium in St. Petersburg. In 1811 he entered the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum; classmate of A.S. Pushkin, A.A. Delvig, V.K. Kuchelbeker, I.I. Pushchin.

Before me, for Europe there was no other concept in relation to our Fatherland, as soon as "emperor".

Gorchakov Alexander Mikhailovich

Since December 1822 - the first secretary of the embassy in London; in 1824 he received the rank of court adviser. In 1827-1828 - the first secretary of the diplomatic mission in Rome; in 1828-1829 - an adviser to the embassy in Berlin; in 1829-1832 - chargé d'affaires in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany and in the Principality of Lucca. In 1833 he became an adviser to the embassy in Vienna. In the late 1830s, due to tense relations with K.V. Nesselrode, he resigned; lived for some time in St. Petersburg. In 1841 he returned to the diplomatic service; was sent to Stuttgart to arrange the marriage of Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna (1822-1892), the second daughter of Nicholas I, with the hereditary Grand Duke of Württemberg, Karl Friedrich Alexander.

After their marriage, he was appointed Ambassador Extraordinary to Württemberg (1841-1854). From the end of 1850 he also served as envoy extraordinary to the German Confederation in Frankfurt am Main (until 1854); made efforts to strengthen Russian influence in the small German states and tried to prevent their absorption by Austria and Prussia, who claimed to be the unifiers of Germany; during this period he became close to O. Bismarck, the Prussian representative to the German Confederation.

During the Crimean War of 1853-1856 he tried to prevent a break in Russia's relations with Austria and Prussia. As temporary administrator of the embassy (1854-1855), and then ambassador plenipotentiary in Vienna (1855-1856), he tried to keep the Austrian government from joining the anti-Russian coalition. Represented Russia at the Vienna Conference of Ambassadors in the spring of 1855; contributed to the preservation of the neutrality of Austria; without the knowledge of K.V. Nesselrode entered into separate negotiations with France in order to split the Anglo-French alliance.

After the defeat of Russia in the Crimean War and the subsequent resignation of KV Nesselrode, he was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs on April 15 (27), 1856. Being a champion of Europeanism (the priority of common European interests over national ones), he was, nevertheless, forced in the conditions of the collapse of the Holy Alliance system to pursue a policy that primarily meets the state needs of his country. It pursued two main goals: to restore Russia's position in the international arena and to avoid major foreign policy complications and military conflicts in order to ensure the possibility of reforms within the country. The most urgent task was the struggle for the abolition of the restrictions imposed on Russia by the Paris Peace Treaty on March 18 (30), 1856.

In the second half of the 1850s, he took a course towards rapprochement with France and the isolation of Austria, which inflicted a “stab in the back” on Russia. final stage Crimean War. In September 1857 Napoleon III and Alexander II met in Stuttgart. Russian diplomacy supported France and Sardinia during their war with Austria in 1859. Like France, Russia was hostile to the unification of Italy in 1860. However, attempts by Paris to put pressure on Russia during the Polish uprising of 1863 led to a cooling of Franco-Russian relations. As early as the end of 1862, Russia rejected the proposal of Napoleon III for the joint intervention of the European powers in civil war in the United States on the side of the southerners, and in September 1863 held a naval demonstration in favor of the northerners, sending two of her squadrons to the North American coast.

From the beginning of the 1860s, the two main directions of A.M. Gorchakov's policy were the Balkan and Western European ones. Russian diplomacy resumed pressure on Ottoman Empire in defense of the interests of the Christian population in the Balkans: in 1862 she came out in support of the Montenegrins and Herzegovinians, in 1865 - the Serbs, in 1868 - the Cretans. Concerning Western Europe, then here Russia reoriented itself towards an alliance with Prussia: in exchange for Russia's promise not to interfere with the unification of Germany under Prussian rule, O. Bismarck undertook to assist St. Petersburg in revising the terms of the Paris Peace Treaty.

The princely family of Gorchakovs is a branch of the princes of Chernigov, leading from Rurik. The name of Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov, whose life and work were connected with the 19th century, is inscribed in “golden letters” in the history of Russian diplomacy.

Alexander Mikhailovich was born on June 4, 1798 in Gapsala in a military family. His father, Major General Mikhail Alekseevich Gorchakov, often received assignments to different cities on duty, and the family lived either in Gapsala, or in Revel, or in St. Petersburg. The upbringing of children, and there were five of them in the family - four daughters and a son, was handled by the mother, Elena Vasilievna Ferzen. Alexander received his primary education at home, and then graduated from a gymnasium in St. Petersburg.

In 1811, he "passed brilliantly" the entrance exams and entered the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum. Here he studied in the same class with A.S. Pushkin, who dedicated one poem to him, predicting a bright future:

To you by the hand of Fortune wayward The path is indicated, both happy and glorious.

In the lyceum, Gorchakov receives the nickname "Frant" and is accepted into the brotherhood of 30 boys. After spending six years at the Lyceum, he graduated with a gold medal for "exemplary morality, diligence and excellent success in all parts of the sciences."

At the age of 19, the young prince began his diplomatic career at the Foreign Ministry with the rank of titular adviser. His first teacher and mentor was the Secretary of State for Oriental and Greek Affairs, Count I.A. Kapodistrias, with whom Alexander Gorchakov, as part of the Russian delegation, participated in the work of the congresses of the Holy Alliance in Troppau, Laibach and Verona. And if the relationship of the young diplomat with the mentor was excellent, then Count K.V. Nesselrode, Secretary of State for Western European Affairs, Gorchakov did not enjoy favor. Count Nesselrode in every possible way hindered his promotion. At the end of 1819, Gorchakov received the title of chamber junker, and soon the post of secretary of the Russian embassy in London, which he had long dreamed of.

With the beginning of his service in the Foreign Ministry, Gorchakov mastered the subtleties of diplomatic art well and did not interfere in the struggle of departmental groupings of the ministry, but was engaged in improving his professional skills. Having received an appointment in London, he quickly began to make a career: in 1820 - the secretary of the embassy, 1822 - the first secretary, 1824 - the rank of court adviser, which testified to the emperor's recognition of the abilities and talents of the young diplomat.

Gorchakov remained in London until 1827. His relationship with the Russian Ambassador Lieven left much to be desired, and Alexander Mikhailovich leaves London "due to deteriorating health." He is transferred to the post of first secretary in Rome - a place less prestigious than London. Here Gorchakov makes useful contacts, among which the daughter of Josephine Beauharnais, Hortense, mother of the future French emperor Louis Napoleon, studies Greek language and delve into the state of affairs in the Balkans. A year later, he is transferred to Berlin as an embassy adviser, but soon returns to Italy as a chargé d'affaires.

Before his resignation, Gorchakov served in Florence and Lucca, was an envoy in Tuscany, and an adviser to the embassy in Vienna. He retired in 1838 with the rank of State Councilor. The departure from the service was caused not only by his marriage to Maria Alexandrovna Urusova, whose marriage strengthened Gorchakov's position at court, since his wife's family was rich and influential, but also by relations with Count Nesselrode, which were far from friendly. Alexander Mikhailovich secretly hoped that the resignation would not be accepted, but it was accepted, which greatly offended the ambitious diplomat.

As time went on, life in the capital and entertainment at court smoothed out the bitterness of leaving the service. Alexander Mikhailovich kept waiting for him to be invited again to take a position in the Foreign Ministry, but no invitation was received. Seeing the anxiety of his son-in-law, Count Urusov begins to facilitate his return to service.

Returning to the Foreign Ministry, in 1841 Gorchakov was sent as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Württemberg. The appointment seemed to be of secondary importance, but in fact the German question was one of the central ones in Russia's European policy. Petersburg closely followed the internal processes in the German states, the struggle between Austria and Prussia, who wanted to play a leading role in the unification of Germany. Gorchakov's task was to maintain the authority of Russia as the patroness of the German countries and the skillful use of contradictions, since the creation of a strong united Germany on the borders of the empire was not safe for Russia. The connections of the diplomat at the court of the Württemberg princes helped Gorchakov to transfer to St. Petersburg unique material about the secret plans of the governments of the countries of the German Union. The activity of Alexander Mikhailovich was highly appreciated. The King of Württemberg awarded him the Order of the Grand Cross, and Emperor Nicholas I presented him with the Orders of St. Anna and St. Vladimir. In 1850, Gorchakov was appointed to the post of Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Minister to the German Union.

In 1853, Alexander Mikhailovich suffered a personal tragedy - the death of his wife, with whom they lived happily for 15 years. On his shoulders lay the care of his sons and the children from the first marriage of Maria Alexandrovna. Concern for their upbringing did not prevent him from continuing his active diplomatic activity, which gained special weight on the eve of the Crimean War. In these difficult years for Russia, Gorchakov once again declared himself as a diplomat of the highest class.

In 1854 he was appointed ambassador to Vienna. England and France have already taken the side of Turkey. Austria still hesitated, and Gorchakov's task was to eliminate Austria as a possible ally of Turkey in the fight against Russia. The task was very difficult, and Nicholas I, seeing off Gorchakov to Vienna, told him: “I trust you. But I do not at all hope that your efforts will be crowned with success. Arriving in Vienna, Alexander Mikhailovich was personally convinced of the emperor's unfounded fears. He immediately reported to St. Petersburg about the concentration of Austrian troops to Transylvania, which threatened the Russian army on the Danube, about the demand for the withdrawal of Russian troops from the territory of the Danubian principalities, about the attempts of the Austrian government to involve Prussia in the war with Russia. Having great authority in diplomatic circles and having made great efforts, Gorchakov managed to prevent Austria from entering the Crimean War.

At the Paris Congress, which began in February 1856, the interests of Russia were represented by diplomats A.F. Orlov and F.I. Brunnov. The heroic defense of Sevastopol, the capture of Kars by the Russian troops, and Gorchakov's successful work to weaken the anti-Russian coalition played an important role in the respectful attitude of the congress participants towards the Russian delegation. Gorchakov himself was not in Paris, and when the work of the congress was completed, he was already in St. Petersburg. His successful work to protect the interests of Russia was highly appreciated by the new Emperor Alexander II.

The lost war and the collapse of the diplomatic policy of Count Nesselrode forced Alexander II to change direction foreign policy Russia and begin to transform the internal management. A new foreign minister was needed, and Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov became head of the Foreign Ministry. The emperor hoped that the prince would be able to restore the prestige of the country, undermined by the defeat in the Crimean War.

Minister Gorchakov outlined the new direction of foreign policy in a circular dated August 21, 1856, and in a personal report to the emperor. It emphasized the government's desire to devote "priority care" to domestic affairs, extending activities outside the empire "only when the positive benefits of Russia unconditionally require it." The renunciation of active foreign policy activity was temporary, which is confirmed by Gorchakov's phrase: “They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, but is concentrating.” This meant that Russia would temporarily not actively interfere in European affairs and would not sacrifice its interests in order to support the principles of the Holy Alliance, it would gather forces.

The new minister saw one of his main tasks in the abolition of the humiliating articles of the Paris Treaty on the neutralization of the Black Sea. It was also necessary to restore the lost influence in the Balkans. The solution of these problems required the search for new ways and diplomatic combinations.

To solve these problems, new people were needed. Forming the apparatus of the ministry, Alexander Mikhailovich was guided by vocational training employees and their political orientation. He reduced the apparatus of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, increased the responsibility of the heads of departments for the decisions made, and eliminated the petty guardianship of the elders over the younger ones. The authority of the new minister, his reasonable demands on his subordinates, trusting relations with the sovereign and the reorganized apparatus allowed Gorchakov already in 1856 to begin implementing a new foreign policy program.

To solve it, Gorchakov relied on France as the most realistic ally. He believed that the East for Napoleon III "is only a trifle", for the French emperor the territory up to the Rhine is important. In September 1857, an agreement was reached with Napoleon III, who, in exchange for Russia's support for his plans, promised to act in favor of Russia in Middle Eastern affairs. A positive result of rapprochement with France was the establishment of cooperation in the Balkans. Starting with coordinated actions in support of Montenegro, Russia and France spoke together on the issue of uniting the Danubian principalities and expanding their autonomy. Gorchakov understood that the unification of the principalities, weakening Turkey, also dealt a blow to the Treaty of Paris, where their isolation was recorded. When Turkey began to prepare an intervention against the young Romanian principality, Gorchakov warned her about the inadmissibility of such actions. Alexander Mikhailovich repeatedly raised the issue of the need to convene an international conference to discuss the situation of Christians, subjects of the Ottoman Empire. But the proposal of the Russian minister came up against the refusal of England and the passivity of France in this matter.

The events in Poland in 1861-1863 led to the rupture of allied relations between Russia and France. As Gorchakov noted, the Polish question concerned not only Russia - "it was a stumbling block for all powers." In the early 60s, the French emperor began to actively support the Polish emigration in France, and even earlier he raised the issue of Poland's status, which caused Alexander II's obvious displeasure. After the Polish uprising of 1863, the time for concerted action by France and Russia came to an end.

It was a time when Gorchakov was at the top of his career. Fulfilling the duties of a minister, in 1862 he became vice-chancellor and is a member of the highest public institutions Russia. Now he again had to look for a new ally in Russia's foreign policy issues. Prussia becomes such an ally. Bismarck, who had long wanted to unite Germany with "iron and blood", was the first to take steps to bring the two countries closer together. He needed Russian support.

At the beginning of 1863, a secret Russian-Prussian convention on mutual assistance was signed in St. Petersburg "to restore order and tranquility, with the provision of detachments, both Russian and Prussian, with the right to cross the state border in cases where it would be necessary to pursue the rebels." Gorchakov, as well as the Minister of War Milyutin, this convention caused a negative reaction. They considered it "unnecessary and dangerous." And they weren't wrong. Upon learning of her, France, England and Austria protested against her imprisonment and began to insist on the restoration of the Constitution of 1815 in Poland. In an effort to mitigate the conflict, Gorchakov reminded the representatives of these countries of the unity of interests in the fight against revolutions, but at the same time declared that the Polish question was an internal affair of Russia. Russian ambassadors abroad were ordered to stop all negotiations on Polish affairs.

The uprising in Poland was suppressed, and the differences between Russia and England, Austria and France, revealed in last years, were successfully used by Bismarck to get closer to Russia. As a result of Gorchakov's policy, Russia remained neutral in Prussia's war with Denmark (1864), Austria (1866) and France (1870-1871). The defeat of France made it possible for Gorchakov, who became chancellor in 1867, to announce Russia's renunciation of the 2nd article of the Paris Treaty on the neutralization of the Black Sea and to achieve recognition of this by the powers at an international conference in London in 1871. Let us note that the liquidation of Article 2 cost Gorchakov great efforts. The Russian statement said that the 1856 Treaty of Paris had been repeatedly violated by the powers that signed it. This treaty puts Russia in an unjust and dangerous position, since Turkey, England and France have military squadrons in the Mediterranean. With the consent of Turkey, the appearance of foreign ships in wartime in the Black Sea “could be an encroachment on the complete neutrality assigned to these waters” and made the Black Sea coast open to attack. Therefore, Russia "can no longer consider itself bound" to the provision of the 2nd article of the treaty, which poses a threat to its security, but undertakes to comply with the remaining articles. Such a statement was like a bomb explosion, but Gorchakov calculated everything correctly. Under the current situation, England and Austria-Hungary limited themselves to only verbal protests, France was busy with its own affairs, and Bismarck, although he was very annoyed by the Russian statement, had to fulfill his promises in support of her. Unexpected support for Russia came from the United States, which said it never recognized Russia's restrictions on the Black Sea.

Now Russia could have a fleet on the Black Sea and build naval bases on the coast. The abolition of the humiliating articles of the Paris Treaty was a major success for Russian diplomacy, and public opinion rightly attributed this success to Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov. He himself considered the solution of this important task to be the main business of his foreign policy activity. In March 1871, he was granted the title of Serene Highness, beginning to be called (with descendant offspring) the Most Serene Prince.

Gorchakov played a key role in the creation of the "Union of Three Emperors" (1873), trying to use it to prepare for a future war with Turkey.

The Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878 was fought under the banner of the liberation of the Balkan peoples from Turkish rule. With its successful completion, Russia hoped to assert its influence in the Balkans. During the war, Gorchakov directed great efforts to ensure neutrality European states. In March 1878, a peace treaty was signed with Turkey in San Stefano, according to which Southern Bessarabia, which had been torn away by the Paris Treaty of 1856, was returned to Russia. The success of the Russian army in the war with Turkey and the favorable peace treaty for Russia were brought to naught at the Berlin Congress. Russia was represented at the congress by Gorchakov, and as he wrote to Alexander II: "The Berlin Treaty is the blackest page in my service career." Due to the opposition of England and Austria-Hungary, Russia lost the fruits of victory. Gorchakov and Bismarck broke off at the congress.

For another three years after the Berlin Congress, Gorchakov was at the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He continued to make efforts to maintain stability in the country and the "balance of power" in Europe. But the years took their toll, and in 1880 he went abroad for treatment, retaining the post of minister. Already without his participation in 1881, negotiations took place in Berlin, which led to the conclusion of the Russian-German-Austrian alliance. In March 1882, Gorchakov resigned from the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, retaining the rank of State Chancellor and the position of a member of the State Council. Moving away from active political life, he often spends time with friends, reads a lot, dictates memories of his life and diplomatic activities - he retained an excellent memory until last days.

Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov lived a long and interesting life and died in Baden-Baden on February 27, 1883. He was buried in St. Petersburg, in a family vault next to his wife and eldest son.

Alexander Gorchakov was born on June 15, 1798 in the Estonian city of Gapsala in the family of Major General Prince Mikhail Gorchakov and Baroness Elena Dorothea Ferzen.

“Gorchakov came from an aristocratic family, if not from a very rich one, and this largely determined his future life,” the candidate said in an interview with RT historical sciences, Associate Professor, Moscow State University M.V. Lomonosov Oleg Airapetov.

The young prince was educated at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, where he studied.

However, historians note that, contrary to some stories, Gorchakov was not a close friend of Pushkin.

According to contemporaries, Gorchakov, who was very capable in various fields of knowledge, nevertheless envied Pushkin's literary talent and, at any opportunity, tried to emphasize his noble origin in the presence of the poet.

“Nevertheless, when Pushkin was sent into exile, Gorchakov was not afraid to visit him in 1825. For a young official, this is a worthy deed. Although their relationship then was still cool, ”Ayrapetov noted.

A.S. Pushkin. Portrait of Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov (1798-1883), future Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire and Chancellor

Despite this, the poet dedicated several well-known poems to his lyceum friend, calling him "lucky from the first days" and "pet of fashion, friend of the big world." It is interesting that of the entire “Pushkin” issue, it was Gorchakov who lived the longest life. It so happened that these lines of the great poet were also addressed to him:

“Which of us, in old age, is the day of the Lyceum
Will you have to celebrate alone?
Unfortunate friend! among new generations
Annoying guest and superfluous, and a stranger,
He will remember us and the days of connections,
Closing your eyes with a trembling hand ... "

"Hard Back"

In 1819, Gorchakov entered the service with the rank of chamber junker. As his educators said, he was destined to realize himself precisely as a diplomat. In the early 1820s, he was an official under the head of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Count Karl Nesselrod. Subsequently, Gorchakov served as secretary of the embassies in London and Rome, and also served in various diplomatic posts in Berlin, Florence and Vienna.

“Gorchakov was distinguished by a special feature, which, unfortunately, was not characteristic of many other officials, both in his era and in other times. He was a man with a hard back, not inclined to bend in front of anyone, ”Ayrapetov noted in an interview with RT.

The young diplomat did not curry favor with Nesselrode, and when, during a visit to Vienna, Count Alexander Benckendorff, chief of the gendarmes and one of the statesmen closest to Nicholas I, demanded that Gorchakov serve him dinner, he defiantly rang the bell and noted that it was customary to turn to servants on such matters. However, such "obstinacy" brought a lot of trouble to the promising diplomat.

In 1838, Gorchakov proposed to the niece of his boss Dmitry Tatishchev, Maria, the widow of Ivan Musin-Pushkin and one of the first beauties of Russia. However, Tatishchev, who was looking for a more profitable party for his relative, was set against Gorchakov by the Austrian Foreign Minister Prince Metternich, who did not like the young diplomat for his intransigence and emphasized “Russianness”. Therefore, in order to get married, Gorchakov defiantly submitted his resignation. And Nesselrode accepted it without question.

MM. Duffinger. Maria Alexandrovna Musina-Pushkina (fragment of a miniature)

After the wedding, Gorchakov decided to return to the service, but it was not easy. He was never approved as an envoy to the Ottoman Empire, despite the help of his sister Sophia Radziwill and father-in-law Alexander Urusov, president of the Moscow Palace Office.

“Because of his character, Gorchakov was locked up for more than a decade in relatively insignificant positions of envoy in the principalities of the German Union,” Airapetov said.

Career takeoff

In 1854, during the Crimean War, Gorchakov acted as Russia's envoy to Vienna. A year later, he was officially approved for this post.

“It was a very responsible place, and Gorchakov showed himself worthy in it,” Airapetov noted.

Austria, despite the help that Russia provided to it during the revolution of 1848, supported the actions of England and France in the Crimean War. And Gorchakov made every effort to ensure that Vienna did not take new anti-Russian steps. After the death of Nicholas I, Russian diplomats even achieved the transition of Austria to a policy of neutrality.

“Gorchakov did not go to the Paris Congress, which resulted in the adoption of enslaving conditions for Russia on the demilitarization of the Black Sea and the exclusion of lands in Bessarabia. The diplomats of the outgoing era of Nicholas I were supposed to turn this page. Gorchakov, with whom the future of Russian foreign policy was associated, had nothing to do there, ”the expert emphasized.

Fragment of the panorama "Defense of Sevastopol"

After the end of the Crimean War, Count Nesselrode resigned, and Gorchakov, who had proven himself in Vienna, became his successor as Minister of Foreign Affairs.

“Although Gorchakov is often contrasted with Nesselrode in historiography, this is not entirely true. They were both, as diplomats should be, "men of nuances." The program tasks that Gorchakov set for the Foreign Ministry largely duplicated what Nesselrode planned to do. He then needed not to worsen relations with Austria, improve relations with Prussia and improve relations with France, ”Ayrapetov said.

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Gorchakov needed to change the conditions of the political combination that had developed at any cost. This period of his activity includes the famous statement that Russian diplomacy plans to regain control over the Black Sea and Bessarabia without money and without shedding a single drop of Russian blood, as well as the words: "Russia is not angry, Russia is concentrating."

True, historians admit that at first Gorchakov made a mistake, believing that the French Emperor Napoleon III would support Russia. However, he made only vague promises, solving primarily his own foreign policy problems. During the Polish uprising of 1863, France, together with Great Britain and Austria, once again took a tough anti-Russian position. Prussia became the only European power that took the side of St. Petersburg.

After the Austro-Prussian-Italian War, which led to the strengthening of Prussia, her relations with France deteriorated sharply. For the French, united Germany was a danger, and a new war was almost inevitable. Russia in this confrontation made a bet on Prussia, although domestic diplomats did not rule out that Paris and Vienna would prevail, and then they would oppose the Russians. However, the loser was France.

“Alexander II and Gorchakov decided that both victorious Germany and defeated France no longer care about the demilitarization of the Black Sea, and England herself will not decide on active actions. And Russia announced that it would no longer comply with the requirements of the Paris Congress, ”Leonid Lyashenko, candidate of historical sciences, professor at the Department of Russian History at Moscow State Pedagogical University, told RT.

Gorchakov kept his promise. Russia really canceled the effect of the decisions of the Paris Congress bloodlessly and at no cost. According to Oleg Airapetov, this was "the peak of Minister Gorchakov's career."

For his achievements, the diplomat was awarded the title of lordship, as well as the highest civil rank of the Russian Empire - chancellor.

In 1872, Gorchakov consolidated his success in Russian-German relations by becoming one of the initiators of the union of Russia, Germany and Austria.

Historians note that some narcissism and a tendency to narcissism, which were characteristic of Alexander Gorchakov, only progressed with age, which sometimes greatly annoyed those around him.

"IN national historiography Gorchakov tend to idealize. But it was not an ideal, but a living person with his own strengths and weaknesses. Of course, very bright,” Airapetov said.

"The Blackest Day"

According to the expert, Gorchakov was a very cautious person.

“After the Crimean War, he greatly feared the creation of a new anti-Russian military alliance and therefore kept the tsar from an active policy in the Balkans and in Central Asia”, Airapetov said.

And yet, in 1877, the Russian authorities, under the influence of the military, declared war on Turkey, which turned out to be very successful for St. Petersburg. And in 1878, a favorable one for Russia was concluded. However, the Europeans were not satisfied with his conditions, and they initiated the Berlin Congress.

“In those days, the elderly Gorchakov felt very bad, he could not even stand on his feet, he was carried in an armchair. Communicating with the representative of Britain, he mistakenly immediately showed him the maps, where the maximum concessions that St. Petersburg was ready for were marked. And the British diplomat immediately told all the participants of the congress about it. As a result, the negotiations ended according to the worst scenario for Russia and its supporters. Gorchakov later told Alexander II that this was the blackest day of his life. Alexander II replied to this that in his too, ”Lyashenko said in an interview with RT.

Congress of Berlin July 13, 1878

After the Berlin Congress, Gorchakov actually retired, spent a lot of time on treatment abroad. In March 1882, he officially resigned as minister, and on April 9 of the same year he died in Baden-Baden. Gorchakov was buried in St. Petersburg. After his death, the rank of chancellor was no longer assigned to anyone.

According to Lyashenko, Gorchakov became one of the first statesmen in the history of the Russian Empire who thought in terms of national interests.

“However, he made the mistake of many of our other outstanding compatriots - he failed to leave in time,” the expert concluded.

GORCHAKOV, ALEXANDER MIKHAILOVICH(1798–1883), Russian statesman, diplomat, His Grace Prince. He came from an ancient princely family, one of the branches of the Rurikovich. He was born on June 4 (15), 1798 in Gapsala (modern Haapsalu, Estonia) in the family of Major General M.A. Gorchakov. He received an excellent home education. He studied at the gymnasium in St. Petersburg. In 1811 he entered the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum; classmate of A.S. Pushkin, A.A. Delvig, V.K. Kyuchelbeker, I.I. Pushchin.

After graduating in 1817 from the Lyceum with a gold medal, he was accepted into the service of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with the rank of titular adviser. At the end of 1819 he received the title of chamber junker. In 1820–1822 he was secretary of the head of the Russian Foreign Ministry KV Nesselrode; participant in the congresses of the Holy Alliance in Troppau (October-December 1820), in Laibach (modern Lublan; January-March 1821) and in Verona (October-December 1822). Since December 1822 - the first secretary of the embassy in London; in 1824 he received the rank of court adviser. In 1827-1828 - the first secretary of the diplomatic mission in Rome; in 1828-1829 - counselor of the embassy in Berlin; in 1829–1832 he was Chargé d'Affaires in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany and in the Principality of Lucca. In 1833 he became an adviser to the embassy in Vienna. In the late 1830s, due to tense relations with K.V. Nesselrode, he resigned; lived for some time in St. Petersburg. In 1841 he returned to the diplomatic service; was sent to Stuttgart to arrange the marriage of Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna (1822–1892), the second daughter of Nicholas I, with the hereditary Grand Duke of Württemberg, Karl Friedrich Alexander. After their marriage, he was appointed Ambassador Extraordinary to Württemberg (1841–1854). From the end of 1850 he also served as envoy extraordinary to the German Confederation in Frankfurt am Main (until 1854); made efforts to strengthen Russian influence in the small German states and tried to prevent their absorption by Austria and Prussia, who claimed to be the unifiers of Germany; during this period he became close to O. Bismarck, the Prussian representative to the German Confederation.

During the Crimean War of 1853–1856, he tried to prevent a break in Russia's relations with Austria and Prussia. As temporary administrator of the embassy (1854–1855), and then ambassador plenipotentiary in Vienna (1855–1856), he tried to keep the Austrian government from joining the anti-Russian coalition. Represented Russia at the Vienna Conference of Ambassadors in the spring of 1855; contributed to the preservation of the neutrality of Austria; without the knowledge of K.V. Nesselrode entered into separate negotiations with France in order to split the Anglo-French alliance.

In the second half of the 1850s, he took a course towards rapprochement with France and the isolation of Austria, which inflicted a “stab in the back” on Russia at the final stage of the Crimean War. In September 1857 Napoleon III and Alexander II met in Stuttgart. Russian diplomacy supported France and Sardinia during their war with Austria in 1859. Like France, Russia was hostile to the unification of Italy in 1860. However, attempts by Paris to put pressure on Russia during the Polish uprising of 1863 led to a cooling of Franco-Russian relations. At the end of 1862, Russia rejected Napoleon III's proposal for the joint intervention of European powers in the American Civil War on the side of the southerners, and in September 1863 held a naval demonstration in favor of the northerners, sending two of its squadrons to the North American coast.

From the beginning of the 1860s, the two main directions of A.M. Gorchakov's policy were the Balkan and Western European ones. Russian diplomacy renewed pressure on the Ottoman Empire in defense of the interests of the Christian population in the Balkans: in 1862 it came out in support of the Montenegrins and Herzegovinians, in 1865 the Serbs, and in 1868 the Cretans. As for Western Europe, here Russia reoriented itself towards an alliance with Prussia: in exchange for Russia's promise not to interfere with the unification of Germany under Prussian rule, O. Bismarck undertook to assist St. Petersburg in revising the terms of the Paris Peace Treaty. Russia remained neutral in the Danish-Prussian War of 1864 and provided diplomatic assistance to Prussia during the Austro-Prussian War of 1866 and the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–1871. The defeat in 1870 of France, the main guarantor of the Peace of Paris, allowed A.M. Gorchakov to openly raise the issue of its revision: on October 19 (31), 1870, he announced his refusal to comply with the restrictions imposed on Russia (“Gorchakov’s circular”); At the London Conference in January-March 1871, the great powers were forced to agree to the abolition of the "neutralization" of the Black Sea. Russia's sovereign rights in the Black Sea were fully restored.

Diplomatic successes and the growth of Russia's international prestige in the 1860s and early 1870s strengthened A.M. Gorchakov's position in the ruling circles of the Empire. In 1862 he became a member of the State Council and Vice-Chancellor, in 1867 - Chancellor, in 1871 - the Most Serene Prince.

From the beginning of the 1870s, the Balkan issue became the focus of his policy. In an effort to organize an anti-Turkish coalition of Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary and agree with the latter on the division of spheres of influence in the Balkans, he contributed to the creation in 1873 of the Union of three emperors - Alexander II, Wilhelm I and Franz Joseph. However, not wanting to establish Germany's hegemony in Europe, in the spring of 1875 he resolutely opposed her plans to start a new war with France ("Gorchakov's telegram"); this seriously worsened Russo-German relations.

During the aggravation of the situation in the Balkans (Eastern crisis of 1875–1877), he preferred diplomatic methods of pressure on the Ottoman Empire: he was an opponent of a large-scale war, fearing the unification of European powers against Russia. When the Russian-Turkish war became inevitable, he managed to ensure the neutrality of Austria-Hungary by concluding the Budapest Convention on January 3 (15), 1877. At the end of the war of 1877-1878 at the Berlin Congress (June-July 1878), despite the victory of Russian arms, he had to make serious concessions in the face of the united front of the Western powers, in particular, to agree to the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary (he called the Berlin Congress "the blackest page" in his biography). At court and in public opinion, the prestige of A.M. Gorchakov was significantly undermined. Since 1879 he actually retired; in 1880 he went abroad for treatment. Officially resigned in March 1882.

He died in Baden-Baden on February 27 (March 11), 1883. He was buried near St. Petersburg at the cemetery of the Trinity-Sergius Seaside Desert in the Gorchakov family vault.

In 1998, the 200th anniversary of the birth of A.M. Gorchakov was widely celebrated in Russia.

Ivan Krivushin

samarapedsovet.ru

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"The Blackest Day"