Future sixth Minister of Foreign Affairs Russian Empire and its last chancellor was the offspring of an old princely family. Upon leaving the walls of the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, Gorchakov from an early age developed in himself those qualities that allowed him to soon prove himself a significant diplomat: readiness for concessions, a sense of tact, insight and foresight, defending the interests of the power that you represent. He was witty and resourceful, shone in the world, knew how to please women and win over men.

KV Nesselrode, a foreigner in the Russian service, remained the permanent minister of foreign affairs. He never loved Russia, never learned its language properly, she did not become his second homeland, he spoke coldly and disgustedly about her. The people paid him in the same coin, remaking the surname Nesselrode, which is difficult for the Russian ear, into “kissel like”. Under Nesselrod, Gorchakov acted as an adviser to various embassies - first in Berlin, then in Vienna. He spent 12 years in the diplomatic service in Germany.

During Crimean War Gorchakov was in Vienna. It took a lot of effort from him to ensure that Austria took a neutral position in the war, and this was only partially successful. After the resignation of Nesselrode, the death of Nicholas I and the accession of Gorchakov, he took the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs. He directed his efforts to disavow, soften the bitterness of defeat in the Crimean campaign. His phrase that it is too early to strike Russia out of the ranks of the world's leading powers, that it is "concentrating", has become winged in diplomatic circles.

Thanks to Gorchakov, Russia entered into an alliance with Germany, where Otto von Bismarck came to power. The latter had the closest friendly relations with Gorchakov. In alliance with Prussia, Russia opposed France and Napoleon III. In fact, Germany became the most powerful power with the support of Gorchakov. He tried to adhere to friendship with Prussia very consistently, without stepping back from her. Gorchakov ensured that Russia again received access to the Black Sea and the right to keep its navy there.

Gradually, Gorchakov's relationship with Bismarck came to naught: he, having felt the strength, no longer needed anyone's advice and, moreover, guardianship. Following the results of the Russian-Turkish war, the Berlin Congress took place - the last major event in which Gorchakov took part. Formally, he remained in office until his death in 1882, which occurred in Baden-Baden, Germany.

Alexander Gorchakov - friend of Pushkin

The Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum was founded by Emperor Alexander I as educational institution closed type for children of famous noble families. According to the original plan, even the younger brothers of the tsar himself, Nikolai and Konstantin, were to study there, but for some reason these plans were frustrated. The first graduation of lyceum students turned out to be extremely rich in talented people - poets A.A. Delvig and V.K. Kyuchelbeker, navigator F.F. Matyushkin, diplomat A.M. Gorchakov, Decembrist I.I. Pushchin.

Gorchakov, to tell the truth, did not belong to Pushkin's close friends. However, in the poet's manuscripts there are images of a lyceum comrade, and in verses he calls him "lucky from the first days." Perhaps not without envy - after all, Pushkin himself was considered a rather mediocre student. History judged in its own way: Pushkin's biographers are interested in Gorchakov not so much as a skilled diplomat as Pushkin's classmate.

After the Lyceum, they saw each other infrequently, and did not always coincide at the regular Lyceum anniversaries on October 19th. In one of the poems dedicated to this anniversary of 1825, he asked himself:

“Which of us, in old age, is the day of the Lyceum

Will you have to celebrate alone?

This “last of the Mohicans” was A.M. Gorchakov, who outlived all his classmates and lived to see the solemn occasion when the first monument in Russia was opened to his famous namesake in 1880 on Tverskoy Boulevard in Moscow.

• Having married at the age of 40, Gorchakov decided to adopt four stepsons and a stepdaughter. In marriage, he had two sons who followed in his footsteps, becoming diplomats.
• Pushkinists were in for a sensation when the previously unknown early Pushkin poem "The Monk" was discovered in Gorchakov's papers.

Years of life: 1798-1883

From the biography:

• Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov was for 26 years Minister of Foreign Affairs - from 1856 to 1882
• This is the last chancellor of the Russian Empire (since 1876). The chancellor is the highest rank of civil servant.
• He studied at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, studied together with A.S. Pushkin. He graduated from the Lyceum with a gold medal and was appointed to serve in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
• An educated person who knows several foreign languages, he already from his youth possessed the qualities necessary for a diplomat: eloquence, the ability to conduct a dialogue with people on an equal footing, to defend his positions.
• He worked in embassies in Berlin, Rome, London, Vienna.
• He was appointed head of the Russian Foreign Ministry at a difficult time - Russia lost in the Crimean War, the international authority of the state fell sharply.
• From 1856-1882 - Minister of Foreign Affairs
• From 1882 - retired

The activities of A.M. Gorchakov as Minister of Foreign Affairs

• The purpose of his policy- protection of the national interests of Russia, increasing the international prestige of the country. First of all, it is the abolition of the provisions of the Paris Treaty.
• His motto - "Russia is concentrating!"
• 1870 - achieved a humiliating prohibition for Russia to have a navy on the Black Sea. Russia received the right to build naval bases here.
• Correctly identified the need for an alliance with France in 1859, during the period of Germany's aggressive policy
• Managed to overcome the Polish crisis
• In 1858, the Aigun Treaty with China was signed on the establishment of borders, and in 1860, the Peking Treaty, which determined the eastern Russian-Chinese border.
• 1867 - an agreement with Japan on the peaceful resolution of the conflict over Sakhalin. It was declared "joint ownership".
• Negative score was the US sale of Alaska and the Aleutian Islands in 1867.
• He reformed the diplomatic service, which not only survived until 1917, but also underlies diplomacy to this day.
• The popularity and authority of A. Gorchakov declined sharply after he took an indefinite position during the war with Turkey in 1877-1878 and after the unsuccessful Berlin Congress, when Russia lost almost everything it won during this war. A. Gorchakov initially understood that Russia was not ready for war.

The main provisions of the diplomatic reform of A.M. Gorchakov

“They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, but concentrated »

(The famous phrase of A.M. Gorchakov).

• The main provisions of the transformations were set out in his report to the emperor and in a circular dated August 21, 1856 "Russia is focusing" sent throughout Europe
• Russia will always follow the course of diplomatic relations with countries.
• Russia will never be unfair to any country
• Russia refrains from active interference in the affairs of other states
• Russia does not intend to sacrifice its national interests to maintain the principles of the Holy Alliance
• Russia considers itself free to choose future friends
• Respect for own interests, multi-vector approach foreign policy, including the readiness to engage in dialogue with any country in any region on an equal, mutually respectful basis - these are the basic principles that should underlie foreign policy
• According to A. Gorchakov, the diplomatic department should employ people capable of defending Russia's interests. It was necessary to have knowledge of two foreign languages ​​and a diploma of higher education.
• Internal tests were introduced for those who aspired to the diplomatic service.
• The systematization of military archives was carried out. Scientists were admitted to them for research. It was the first time in Russia.

Thus. A.M. Gorchakov was an outstanding statesman, a brilliant diplomat. He survived the burden of glory, knew the envy of ill-wishers. It was true patriot countries, distinguished by his enormous capacity for work, knowledge of the diplomatic subtleties of his work, courage, self-control, firmness in defending the interests of Russia.

His contribution was appreciated by his contemporaries, and the modern leadership of Russia is also turning to his experience in diplomacy. So, one of the articles by V.V. Putin in 2012 was called: “Russia is concentrating - challenges that we must respond to.” A October 13 2014 year, as part of the celebration of the 70th anniversary of MGIMO, a monument to the diplomat was unveiled. Sculptor - Ivan Charapkin.

Material to historical essay

(1855-1881) Direction of activity:

Causes:

• A sharp decline in the authority of Russia in connection with the defeat in the Crimean War
• Unsuccessful diplomatic policy that led to the temporary isolation of Russia

Consequence:

• Raising the international prestige of Russia in connection with the strengthening of its military power, reforms in the army
• The victory of Russian diplomacy in decisions related to the denunciation of the provisions of the Paris Peace Treaty, the establishment of diplomatic relations with many countries, including France, the United States.

Great merit in the successful foreign policy of the reign of Alexander II - A.M. Gorchkova, who headed the foreign department for 26 years, from 1856-1882.

It was the diplomatic talent of this minister, the ability to clearly defend positions, express the country's national interests, and knowledge of the intricacies of diplomatic negotiations that led to a successful foreign policy. First of all, one should note the efforts of A.M. Gorchakov aimed at revising the provisions of the Paris Treaty of 1856. Russia was returned the right to have a navy and bases on the Black Sea. This happened not as a result of the war, but thanks to diplomatic negotiations conducted by A. Gorchakov.

During the period of A. Gorchakov's activity, Russia signed agreements with China on borders, with Japan on joint ownership of Sakhalin, and with France. Unfortunately, there were also negative results in politics. This is the sale of Alaska and the Aleutian Islands to the United States in 1867, and the unsuccessful Berlin Congress after the war with Turkey in 1877-1878.

However, on the whole, in many respects, it was precisely the activities of A.M. Gorchakov as Minister of Foreign Affairs that Russia was able to solve the most important foreign policy tasks.

This material can be used in preparation for task number 25.

Material prepared: Melnikova Vera Aleksandrovna

Lyceum. "Happy from the first day." Carier start

Alexander Gorchakov was educated at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, where he was a comrade of Pushkin. From youth, “a pet of fashion, a friend of great light, a brilliant observer of customs” (as Pushkin described him in one of his letters to him), until late old age he was distinguished by those qualities that were considered most necessary for a diplomat. In addition to secular talents and salon wit, he also possessed a significant literary education, which was later reflected in his eloquent diplomatic notes. Circumstances early allowed him to study all the backstage springs of international politics in Europe.

In 1819, Gorchakov was awarded the court rank of chamber junker. In 1820-1822. he was with Count Nesselrod at the congresses in Troppau, Ljubljana and Verona; in 1822 he was appointed secretary of the embassy in London, where he remained until 1827; then he was in the same position at the mission in Rome, in 1828 he was transferred to Berlin as an embassy counselor, from there to Florence as a chargé d'affaires, in 1833 as an embassy counselor in Vienna. In July 1838 he was forced to retire due to marriage (see the section "Personal life"), but in October 1839 he returned to the service. For the period of resignation, Gorchakov, as an exception, retained the court rank of chamberlain, which he received in 1828.

Ambassador to the German States

At the end of 1850, he was appointed Plenipotentiary to the German Federal Diet in Frankfurt, retaining his former post at the Württemberg court. Russian influence then dominated the political life of Germany. In the restored Union Seim, the Russian government saw "a guarantee of the preservation of the common peace." Prince Gorchakov stayed in Frankfurt am Main for four years; there he became particularly close friends with the Prussian representative, Otto von Bismarck.

Bismarck was then a supporter of a close alliance with Russia and ardently supported her policy, for which Emperor Nicholas expressed special gratitude to him (according to the report of the Russian representative at the Sejm after Gorchakov, D. G. Glinka). Gorchakov, like Nesselrode, did not share Emperor Nikolai's enthusiasm for the Eastern question, and the diplomatic campaign that had begun against Turkey caused great concern in him; he tried at least to contribute to the maintenance of friendship with Prussia and Austria, as far as this could depend on his personal efforts.

The Crimean War and Austria's "ungratefulness"

« Events in the West echoed in the East as encouragement and hope., he put it, and conscience does not allow Russia to remain silent any longer about the unfortunate situation of Christians in the East". The attempt was not successful and was abandoned as premature.

In October of the same year, 1860, Prince Gorchakov was already talking about the common interests of Europe, affected by the successes of the national movement in Italy; in a note of September 28 [October 10] he warmly reproaches the Sardinian government for its actions regarding Tuscany, Parma, Modena: " this is no longer a question of Italian interests, but of common interests inherent in all governments; it is a question that has a direct connection with those eternal laws without which neither order, nor peace, nor security can exist in Europe. The need to fight anarchy does not justify the Sardinian government, because one should not go along with the revolution in order to use its legacy».

Condemning so sharply the popular aspirations of Italy, Gorchakov retreated from the principle of non-interference, proclaimed by him in 1856 regarding the abuses of the Neapolitan king, and involuntarily returned to the traditions of the era of congresses and the Holy Alliance. His protest, although supported by Austria and Prussia, had no practical consequences.

Polish question. Austro-Prussian War

The Polish question, which appeared on the stage, finally upset the beginning "friendship" of Russia with the empire of Napoleon III and consolidated the alliance with Prussia. Bismarck became the head of the Prussian government in September 1862. Since then, the policy of the Russian minister has been parallel to the bold diplomacy of his Prussian counterpart, supporting and protecting it as far as possible. On February 8 (March 27), Prussia concluded the Alvensleben Convention with Russia to facilitate the task of the Russian troops in the fight against the Polish uprising.

The intercession of England, Austria and France for the national rights of the Poles was decisively rejected by Prince Gorchakov when, in April 1863, it took the form of direct diplomatic intervention. Skillful, and in the end, energetic correspondence on the Polish question gave Gorchakov the glory of a paramount diplomat and made his name famous in Europe and Russia. This was the highest, climax of Gorchakov's political career.

Meanwhile, his ally, Bismarck, began to implement his program, equally enjoying both the dreamy credulity of Napoleon III and the unfailing friendship and assistance of the Russian minister. The Schleswig-Holstein dispute escalated and forced the cabinets to postpone worries about Poland. Napoleon III again launched his favorite idea of ​​a congress (at the end of October 1863) and proposed it again shortly before the formal break between Prussia and Austria (in April 1866), but without success. Gorchakov, while approving the French project in principle, objected both times to the congress under the circumstances. The war began, which unexpectedly quickly led to the complete triumph of the Prussians. Peace negotiations were conducted without any interference from other powers; The idea of ​​a congress came to Gorchakov, but was immediately abandoned by him due to his unwillingness to do something unpleasant to the victors. Moreover, this time Napoleon III abandoned the idea of ​​a congress in view of Bismarck's tempting secret promises regarding the territorial reward of France. Honorary Member of Moscow University (1867).

The period of strengthening of Germany

The brilliant success of Prussia in 1866 further strengthened her official friendship with Russia. The antagonism with France and the dull opposition of Austria forced the Berlin cabinet to stick firmly to the Russian alliance, while Russian diplomacy could fully retain freedom of action and had no hope of imposing on itself unilateral obligations beneficial exclusively to the neighboring power.

The power of Germany. Triple Alliance

After the defeat of France, the mutual relations between Bismarck and Gorchakov changed significantly: the German chancellor had outgrown his old friend and did not need him anymore. Anticipating that the Eastern question would soon reappear in one form or another, Bismarck hastened to arrange a new political combination with the participation of Austria as a counterbalance to Russia in the East. Russia's entry into this tripartite alliance, which began in September 1872, made Russian foreign policy dependent not only on Berlin, but also on Vienna, without any need for that. Austria could only benefit from the constant mediation and assistance of Germany in relations with Russia, and Russia was left to protect the so-called pan-European, that is, in essence the same Austrian, interests, the range of which was increasingly expanding on the Balkan Peninsula.

In minor or extraneous matters, as, for example, in the matter of recognizing the government of Marshal Serrano in Spain in 1874, Prince Gorchakov often disagreed with Bismarck, but on the essential and main thing he still trustingly obeyed his suggestions. A serious quarrel occurred only in 1875, when the Russian chancellor assumed the role of guardian of France and the common world from the encroachments of the Prussian military party and officially informed the powers about the success of his efforts in a note on April 30 of the same year.

Chancellor Bismarck harbored annoyance and maintained his former friendship in view of the emerging Balkan crisis, in which his participation was required in favor of Austria and, indirectly, Germany; later, he repeatedly stated that relations with Gorchakov and Russia were damaged by "inappropriate" public intercession for France in 1875. All phases of the Eastern complications were passed by the Russian government as part of the Triple Alliance, until it came to war; and after Russia had fought and dealt with Turkey, the Tripartite Alliance again came into its own and, with the help of England, determined the final terms of the peace most favorable to the Vienna Cabinet.

The Diplomatic Context of the Russo-Turkish War and the Congress of Berlin

In April 1877, Russia declared war on Turkey. Even with the declaration of war, the aged chancellor connected the fiction of powers from Europe, so that the paths to independent and frank defense of Russian interests in the Balkan Peninsula were cut off in advance after the enormous sacrifices of a two-year campaign. He promised Austria that Russia would not go beyond the limits of the moderate program at the conclusion of peace; in England, Shuvalov was instructed to declare that the Russian army would not cross the Balkans, but the promise was withdrawn after it had already been conveyed to the London cabinet - which aroused displeasure and gave another reason for protests.

Hesitations, errors and contradictions in the actions of diplomacy accompanied all the changes in the theater of war. Treaty of San Stefano February 19 (March 3) July 8

At the Berlin Congress (from 1 (13) June to 1 (13) July) Gorchakov participated in the conferences little and rarely; he attached particular importance to the fact that Russia should return part of Bessarabia, taken from it under the Treaty of Paris, and Romania should receive Dobruja in return. Britain's proposal for the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austrian troops was warmly supported by the chairman of the congress, Bismarck, against the Turkish representatives; Prince Gorchakov also spoke in favor of the occupation (session 16 (28) June). Later, part of the Russian press severely attacked Germany and its chancellor as the main culprit of Russia's failures; there was a chill between the two powers, and in September 1879, Prince Bismarck decided to conclude a special defensive alliance against Russia in Vienna.

Which one of us, in old age, is the day of the lyceum
Will you have to celebrate alone?

Unfortunate friend! among new generations
Annoying guest and superfluous, and a stranger,
He will remember us and the days of connections,
Closing your eyes with a trembling hand...
Let him with joy, even sad
Then this day will spend a cup,
As I am now, your disgraced recluse,
He spent it without grief and worries.

The political career of Prince Gorchakov ended with the Berlin Congress; since then, he almost did not take part in the affairs, although he retained the honorary title of state chancellor. He ceased to be a minister even nominally from March 1882, when N.K. Girs was appointed in his place.

Gorchakov, according to the order of awarding, was a member of pensioners - holders of the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called (800 rubles a year) and pensioners - holders, the niece of his boss D.P. Tatishchev, a Moscow beauty, whom Pushkin was passionate about, thus acquiring a stepdaughter and 4 stepsons, including Alexander Musin-Pushkin. For the sake of this marriage, he had to retire and leave the diplomatic service for a while. The couple had sons Mikhail (1839-1897) and Konstantin (1841-1926).

Here is how Prince P.V. Dolgorukov wrote about his resignation in Petersburg Essays: “Tatishchev did not want his niece, who had no other fortune, except for the seventh part after her (however, very rich) husband, to marry a man who had absolutely no fortune. Tatishchev's dislike for this marriage was still skillfully inflated by the then ruler of Austrian politics, the famous Prince Metternich; he did not like Prince Gorchakov for his Russian soul, for his Russian feelings, for his intransigence, always covered by an excellent knowledge of decency, the most elegant politeness, but nevertheless very unpleasant for Metternich; in a word, he tried with all his might to quarrel Tatishchev with Prince Gorchakov and to remove the latter from Vienna. The trick worked. Tatishchev resolutely rebelled against the wedding. Prince Gorchakov, placed in the inevitable need to choose between his beloved woman and a service that was very tempting for his ambition, did not hesitate: despite his great ambition, he retired in 1838 and married Countess Pushkina. Later, family ties of the Urusovs, relatives of his wife, helped him return to the service and resume his career.

The descendants of Konstantin Gorchakov, who died in Paris, live in Western Europe and Latin America.

Encyclopedic YouTube

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  Alexander Gorchakov was educated at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, where he was a friend of Pushkin. From youth, “a pet of fashion, a friend of great light, a brilliant observer of customs” (as Pushkin described him in one of his letters to him), until late old age he was distinguished by those qualities that were considered most necessary for a diplomat. In addition to secular talents and salon wit, he also possessed a significant literary education, which was later reflected in his eloquent diplomatic notes. Circumstances early allowed him to study all the backstage springs of international politics in Europe.

  In 1819, Gorchakov was awarded the court rank of chamber junker. In 1820-1822. he was with Count Nesselrod at congresses in Troppau, Ljubljana and Verona; in 1822 he was appointed secretary of the embassy in London, where he remained until 1827; then he was in the same position at the mission in Rome, in 1828 he was transferred to Berlin as an embassy counselor, from there to Florence as a chargé d'affaires, in 1833 as an embassy counselor in Vienna. In July 1838 he was forced to retire due to marriage (see the section "Personal life"), but in October 1839 he returned to the service. For the period of resignation, Gorchakov, as an exception, retained the court rank of chamberlain, which he received in 1828.

  Ambassador to the German States

  At the end of 1850, he was appointed commissioner at the German Allied Diet in Frankfurt, while retaining his former post at the Württemberg court. Russian influence then dominated the political life of Germany. In the restored Union Seim, the Russian government saw "a guarantee of the preservation of the common peace." Prince Gorchakov stayed in Frankfurt am Main for four years; there he became particularly close friends with the Prussian representative, Otto von Bismarck.

  Bismarck was then a supporter of a close alliance with Russia and ardently supported her policy, for which Emperor Nicholas expressed special gratitude to him (according to the report of the Russian representative at the Sejm after Gorchakov, D. G. Glinka). Gorchakov, like Nesselrode, did not share Emperor Nikolai's fascination with the Eastern question, and the diplomatic campaign that had begun against Turkey caused great concern in him; he tried at least to contribute to the maintenance of friendship with Prussia and Austria, as far as this could depend on his personal efforts.

  The Crimean War and Austria's "ungratefulness"

  « Events in the West echoed in the East as encouragement and hope., he put it, and conscience does not allow Russia to remain silent any longer about the unfortunate situation of Christians in the East". The attempt was not successful and was abandoned as premature.

  In October of the same year, 1860, Prince Gorchakov was already talking about the common interests of Europe, affected by the successes of the national movement in Italy; in a note of September 28 [October 10] he warmly reproaches the Sardinian government for its actions regarding Tuscany, Parma, Modena: " this is no longer a question of Italian interests, but of common interests inherent in all governments; it is a question that has a direct connection with those eternal laws without which neither order, nor peace, nor security can exist in Europe. The need to fight anarchy does not justify the Sardinian government, because one should not go along with the revolution in order to use its legacy».

  Condemning so sharply the popular aspirations of Italy, Gorchakov retreated from the principle of non-interference, proclaimed by him in 1856 regarding the abuses of the Neapolitan king, and involuntarily returned to the traditions of the era of congresses and the Holy Alliance. His protest, although supported by Austria and Prussia, had no practical consequences.

  Polish question. Austro-Prussian War

  The Polish question, which appeared on the stage, finally upset the beginning "friendship" of Russia with the empire of Napoleon III and consolidated the alliance with Prussia. Bismarck became the head of the Prussian government in September 1862. Since then, the policy of the Russian minister has been parallel to the bold diplomacy of his Prussian counterpart, supporting and protecting it as far as possible. On February 8 (March 27), Prussia concluded the Alvensleben Convention with Russia to facilitate the task of the Russian troops in the fight against the Polish uprising.

  The intercession of England, Austria and France for the national rights of the Poles was decisively rejected by Prince Gorchakov when, in April 1863, it took the form of direct diplomatic intervention. Skillful, and in the end, energetic correspondence on the Polish question gave Gorchakov the glory of a paramount diplomat and made his name famous in Europe and Russia. This was the highest, climax of Gorchakov's political career.

  Meanwhile, his ally, Bismarck, began to implement his program, equally enjoying both the dreamy credulity of Napoleon III and the unfailing friendship and assistance of the Russian minister. The Schleswig-Holstein dispute escalated and forced the cabinets to put off their worries about Poland. Napoleon III again launched his favorite idea of ​​a congress (at the end of October 1863) and proposed it again shortly before the formal break between Prussia and Austria (in April 1866), but without success. Gorchakov, while approving the French project in principle, objected both times to the congress under the circumstances. The war began, which unexpectedly quickly led to the complete triumph of the Prussians. Peace negotiations were conducted without any interference from other powers; The idea of ​​a congress came to Gorchakov, but was immediately abandoned by him due to his unwillingness to do something unpleasant to the victors. Moreover, this time Napoleon III abandoned the idea of ​​a congress in view of Bismarck's tempting secret promises regarding the territorial reward of France. Honorary Member of the Moscow University (1867) .

  The period of strengthening of Germany

  The brilliant success of Prussia in 1866 further strengthened her official friendship with Russia. The antagonism with France and the dull opposition of Austria forced the Berlin cabinet to stick firmly to the Russian alliance, while Russian diplomacy could fully retain freedom of action and had no hope of imposing on itself unilateral obligations beneficial exclusively to the neighboring power.

  The power of Germany. Triple Alliance

  After the defeat of France, the mutual relations between Bismarck and Gorchakov changed significantly: the German chancellor had outgrown his old friend and did not need him anymore. Anticipating that the Eastern question would soon reappear in one form or another, Bismarck hastened to arrange a new political combination with the participation of Austria as a counterbalance to Russia in the East. Russia's entry into this tripartite alliance, which began in September 1872, made Russian foreign policy dependent not only on Berlin, but also on Vienna, without any need for that. Austria could only benefit from the constant mediation and assistance of Germany in relations with Russia, and Russia was left to protect the so-called pan-European, that is, in essence the same Austrian, interests, the range of which was increasingly expanding on the Balkan Peninsula.

  In minor or extraneous matters, as, for example, in the matter of recognizing the government of Marshal Serrano in Spain in 1874, Prince Gorchakov often disagreed with Bismarck, but on the essential and main thing he still trustingly obeyed his suggestions. A serious quarrel occurred only in 1875, when the Russian chancellor assumed the role of guardian of France and the common world from the encroachments of the Prussian military party and officially informed the powers about the success of his efforts in a note on April 30 of the same year.

  Chancellor Bismarck harbored annoyance and maintained his former friendship in view of the emerging Balkan crisis, in which his participation was required in favor of Austria and, indirectly, Germany; later, he repeatedly stated that relations with Gorchakov and Russia were damaged by "inappropriate" public intercession for France in 1875. All phases of the Eastern complications were passed by the Russian government as part of the Triple Alliance, until it came to war; and after Russia had fought and dealt with Turkey, the Tripartite Alliance again came into its own and, with the help of England, determined the final terms of the peace most favorable to the Vienna Cabinet.

  The Diplomatic Context of the Russo-Turkish War and the Congress of Berlin

  In April 1877, Russia declared war on Turkey. Even with the declaration of war, the aged chancellor connected the fiction of powers from Europe, so that the paths to independent and frank defense of Russian interests in the Balkan Peninsula were cut off in advance after the enormous sacrifices of a two-year campaign. He promised Austria that Russia would not go beyond the limits of the moderate program at the conclusion of peace; in England, Shuvalov was instructed to declare that the Russian army would not cross the Balkans, but the promise was withdrawn after it had already been conveyed to the London cabinet - which aroused displeasure and gave another reason for protests.

  Hesitations, errors and contradictions in the actions of diplomacy accompanied all the changes in the theater of war. The Treaty of San Stefano on February 19 (March 3) created a vast Bulgaria, but enlarged Serbia and Montenegro with only small territorial additions, left Bosnia and Herzegovina under Turkish rule and gave nothing to Greece, so almost all Balkan peoples were extremely dissatisfied with the treaty, and precisely those that brought the most victims in the fight against the Turks - Serbs and Montenegrins, Bosnians and Herzegovinas.

  The great powers had to intercede for offended Greece, make territorial additions to the Serbs and arrange the fate of the Bosniaks and Herzegovinians, whom Russian diplomacy had given in advance under the dominion of Austria (according to the Reichstadt agreement on June 26 [July 8]).

  Avoiding the congress, as Bismarck succeeded after the victory at Sadov, was out of the question. England, apparently, was preparing for war. Russia proposed to the German chancellor that a congress be held in Berlin; between the Russian ambassador to Great Britain Count

  215 years ago His Serene Highness Prince Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov was born, a prominent Russian diplomat, whose name is inscribed in "golden letters" in the history of Russian diplomacy,statesman, Chancellor, Knight of the Order of the Holy Apostle Andrew the First-Called.

  Yes, you kept your word:
  Without moving the guns, not a ruble,
  Comes into his own again
  native Russian land

  And we bequeathed the sea
  Again free wave
  About a brief forgetting shame,
  He kisses his native shore.

  F. I. Tyutchev

  Alexander Mikhailovich was born on June 15, 1798 in Gapsala into a military family. His father, Major General Mikhail Alekseevich Gorchakov, often received assignments to different cities on duty, and the family lived either in Gapsala, or in Reval, or in St. Petersburg. The upbringing of children, and there were five of them in the family - four daughters and a son, was handled by the mother, Elena Vasilievna Ferzen. Alexander received his primary education at home, and then graduated from a gymnasium in St. Petersburg.

  In 1811, he "passed brilliantly" the entrance exams and entered the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum. Here he studied in the same class with A. S. Pushkin, who dedicated one poem to him, predicting a brilliant future:

  To you by the hand of Fortune wayward The path is indicated, both happy and glorious.

  At the Lyceum, Gorchakov receives the nickname "Frant" and is accepted into the brotherhood of 30 boys. After spending six years at the Lyceum, he graduates with a gold medal for "exemplary good manners, diligence and excellent success in all parts of the sciences"

  At the age of 19, the young prince began his diplomatic career at the Foreign Ministry with the rank of titular adviser. His first teacher and mentor was the Secretary of State for Oriental and Greek Affairs, Count I. A. Kapodistria, with whom Alexander Gorchakov, as part of the Russian delegation, participated in the work of the congresses of the Holy Alliance in Troppau, Laibach and Verona. And if the relations of the young diplomat with the mentor were excellent, then Count K. V. Nesselrode, Secretary of State for Western European Affairs, Gorchakov did not enjoy favor. Count Nesselrode in every possible way hindered his promotion. At the end of 1819, Gorchakov received the title of chamber junker, and soon the post of secretary of the Russian embassy in London, which he had long dreamed of.
  

  With the beginning of his service in the Foreign Ministry, Gorchakov mastered the subtleties of diplomatic art well and did not interfere in the struggle of departmental groupings of the ministry, but was engaged in improving his professional skills. Having received an appointment in London, he quickly began to make a career in 1820 - the secretary of the embassy, ​​1822 - the first secretary, 1824 - the rank of court adviser, which testified to the emperor's recognition of the abilities and talents of the young diplomat.

  Gorchakov remained in London until 1827. His relationship with Russian Ambassador Lieven left much to be desired, and Alexander Mikhailovich leaves London “due to deteriorating health.” He is transferred to the post of first secretary in Rome, a place less prestigious than London. Here Gorchakov makes useful contacts, among which the daughter of Josephine Beauharnais, Hortense, mother of the future French emperor Louis Napoleon, studies Greek language and delve into the state of affairs in the Balkans. A year later, he is transferred to Berlin as an embassy adviser, but soon returns to Italy as a chargé d'affaires

  Before his resignation, Gorchakov served in Florence and Lucca, was an envoy in Tuscany, and an adviser to the embassy in Vienna. He retired in 1838 with the rank of State Councilor. The departure from the service was caused not only by his marriage to Maria Alexandrovna Urusova, whose marriage strengthened Gorchakov's position at court, since his wife's family was rich and influential, but also by relations with Count Nesselrode, which were far from friendly. Alexander Mikhailovich secretly hoped that the resignation would not be accepted, but it was accepted, which greatly offended the ambitious diplomat.

  As time went on, life in the capital and entertainment at court smoothed out the bitterness of leaving the service. Alexander Mikhailovich kept waiting for him to be invited again to take a position in the Foreign Ministry, but no invitation was received. Seeing the anxiety of his son-in-law, Count Urusov begins to facilitate his return to service.

  Returning to the Foreign Ministry, in 1841 Gorchakov was sent as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Württemberg. The appointment seemed to be of secondary importance, but in fact the German question was one of the central ones in Russia's European policy. Petersburg closely followed the internal processes in the German states, the struggle between Austria and Prussia, who wanted to play a leading role in the unification of Germany. Gorchakov's task was to maintain the authority of Russia as the patroness of the German countries and the skillful use of contradictions, since the creation of a strong united Germany on the borders of the empire was not safe for Russia. The contacts of the diplomat at the court of the Württemberg princes helped Gorchakov to transfer to St. Petersburg unique material about the secret plans of the governments of the countries of the German Union. The activities of Alexander Mikhailovich were highly appreciated. The King of Württemberg awarded him the Order of the Grand Cross, and Emperor Nicholas I presented him with the Orders of St. Anna and St. Vladimir. In 1850, Gorchakov was appointed to the post of Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Minister to the German Union.

  In 1853, Alexander Mikhailovich suffered a personal tragedy - the death of his wife, with whom they lived happily for 15 years. On his shoulders lay the care of his sons and children from the first marriage of Maria Alexandrovna. Concern for their upbringing did not prevent him from continuing his active diplomatic activity, which gained special weight on the eve of the Crimean War. In these difficult years for Russia, Gorchakov once again declared himself as a diplomat of the highest class.

  In 1854 he was appointed ambassador to Vienna. England and France have already taken the side of Turkey. Austria still hesitated, and Gorchakov's task was to eliminate Austria as a possible ally of Turkey in the fight against Russia. The task was very difficult, and Nicholas I, seeing off Gorchakov to Vienna, told him "I trust you, but I do not at all hope that your efforts will be crowned with success." Arriving in Vienna, Alexander Mikhailovich was personally convinced of the emperor's unfounded fears. He immediately reported to St. Petersburg about the concentration of Austrian troops to Transylvania, which threatened the Russian army on the Danube, about the demand for the withdrawal of Russian troops from the territory of the Danubian principalities, about the attempts of the Austrian government to involve Prussia in the war with Russia. Having great authority, having made great efforts, Gorchakov managed to prevent Austria from entering the Crimean War.

  At the Paris Congress, which began in February 1856, Russia's interests were represented by the diplomats A. F. Orlov and F. I. Brunnov. The heroic defense of Sevastopol, the capture of Kars by the Russian troops, and Gorchakov's successful work to weaken the anti-Russian coalition played an important role in the respectful attitude of the congress participants towards the Russian delegation. Gorchakov himself was not in Paris, and when the work of the congress was completed, he was already in St. Petersburg. His successful work to protect the interests of Russia was highly appreciated by the new Emperor Alexander II.

  The lost war and the collapse of the diplomatic policy of Count Nesselrode forced Alexander II to change the direction of Russia's foreign policy and begin to transform the internal administration. A new foreign minister was needed, and Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov became head of the Foreign Ministry. The emperor hoped that the prince would be able to restore the prestige of the country, undermined by the defeat in the Crimean War.

  Minister Gorchakov outlined the new direction of foreign policy in a circular dated August 21, 1856, and in a personal report to the emperor. It emphasized the government's desire to devote "priority care" to domestic affairs, extending activities outside the empire "only when the positive benefits of Russia unconditionally require it." The renunciation of active foreign policy activity was temporary, which is confirmed by Gorchakov's phrase: “They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, but is concentrating.” This meant that Russia would temporarily not actively interfere in European affairs and would not sacrifice its interests in order to support the principles of the Holy Alliance, it would gather forces.

  The new minister saw one of his main tasks in the abolition of the humiliating articles of the Paris Treaty on the neutralization of the Black Sea. It was also necessary to restore the lost influence in the Balkans. The solution of these problems required the search for new ways and diplomatic combinations.
  

  
  
  

  To solve these problems, new people were needed. Forming the apparatus of the ministry, Alexander Mikhailovich was guided by vocational training employees and their political orientation. He reduced the apparatus of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, increased the responsibility of the heads of departments for the decisions made, and eliminated the petty guardianship of the elders over the younger ones. The authority of the new minister, his reasonable demands on his subordinates, trusting relations with the sovereign and the reorganized apparatus allowed Gorchakov already in 1856 to begin implementing a new foreign policy program.
  

  To solve it, Gorchakov relied on France as the most realistic ally. He believed that the East for Napoleon III "is only a trifle", for the French emperor the territory up to the Rhine is important. In September 1857, an agreement was reached with Napoleon III, who, in exchange for Russia's support for his plans, promised to act in favor of Russia in Middle Eastern affairs. A positive result of rapprochement with France was the establishment of cooperation in the Balkans. Starting with coordinated actions in support of Montenegro, Russia and France spoke together on the issue of uniting the Danubian principalities and expanding their autonomy. Gorchakov understood that the unification of the principalities, weakening Turkey, also dealt a blow to the Treaty of Paris, where their isolation was recorded. When Turkey began to prepare an intervention against the young Romanian principality, Gorchakov warned her about the inadmissibility of such actions. Alexander Mikhailovich repeatedly raised the issue of the need to convene an international conference to discuss the situation of Christians, subjects Ottoman Empire. But the proposal of the Russian minister came up against the refusal of England and the passivity of France in this matter.

  The events in Poland in 1861-1863 led to the rupture of allied relations between Russia and France. As Gorchakov noted, the Polish question concerned not only Russia - "it was a stumbling block for all powers." In the early 60s, the French emperor began to actively support the Polish emigration in France, and even earlier he raised the issue of Poland's status, which caused Alexander II's obvious displeasure. After the Polish uprising of 1863, the time for concerted action by France and Russia came to an end.

  It was a time when Gorchakov was at the top of his career. Fulfilling the duties of a minister, in 1862 he became vice-chancellor and is a member of the highest public institutions Russia. Now he again had to look for a new ally in Russia's foreign policy issues. Prussia becomes such an ally. Bismarck, who had long wanted to unite Germany with "iron and blood", was the first to take steps to bring the two countries closer together. He needed Russian support.
  

  
  
  

  At the beginning of 1863, a secret Russian-Prussian convention on mutual assistance was signed in St. Petersburg "to restore order and tranquility, with the provision of detachments, both Russian and Prussian, with the right to cross the state border in cases where it would be necessary to pursue the rebels." Gorchakov, as well as the Minister of War Milyutin, this convention caused a negative reaction. They considered it "unnecessary and dangerous." And they weren't wrong. Upon learning of her, France, England and Austria protested against her imprisonment and began to insist on the restoration of the Constitution of 1815 in Poland. In an effort to mitigate the conflict, Gorchakov reminded the representatives of these countries of the unity of interests in the fight against revolutions, but at the same time declared that the Polish question was an internal affair of Russia. Russian ambassadors abroad were ordered to stop all negotiations on Polish affairs.

  The uprising in Poland was suppressed, and the differences between Russia and England, Austria and France, revealed in last years, were successfully used by Bismarck to get closer to Russia. As a result of Gorchakov's policy, Russia remained neutral in Prussia's war with Denmark (1864), Austria (1866) and France (1870-1871). The defeat of France made it possible for Gorchakov, who became chancellor in 1867, to announce Russia's renunciation of the 2nd article of the Paris Treaty on the neutralization of the Black Sea and to achieve recognition of this by the powers at an international conference in London in 1871. Let us note that the liquidation of Article 2 cost Gorchakov great efforts. The Russian statement said that the 1856 Treaty of Paris had been repeatedly violated by the powers that signed it. This treaty puts Russia in an unjust and dangerous position, since Turkey, England and France have military squadrons in the Mediterranean. With the consent of Turkey, the appearance of foreign ships in wartime in the Black Sea “could be an encroachment on the complete neutrality assigned to these waters” and made the Black Sea coast open to attack. Therefore, Russia "can no longer consider itself bound" to the provision of the 2nd article of the treaty, which poses a threat to its security, but undertakes to comply with the remaining articles. Such a statement was like a bomb explosion, but Gorchakov Allcalculated. Under the current situation, England and Austria-Hungary limited themselves to only verbal protests, France was busy with its own affairs, and Bismarck, although he was very annoyed by the Russian statement, had to fulfill his promises in support of her. Unexpected support for Russia came from the United States, which said it never recognized Russia's restrictions on the Black Sea.

  
  
  

  Now Russia could have a fleet on the Black Sea and build naval bases on the coast. The abolition of the humiliating articles of the Paris Treaty was a major success for Russian diplomacy, and public opinion rightly attributed this success to Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov. He himself considered the solution of this important task to be the main business of his foreign policy activity. In March 1871, he was granted the title of Serene Highness, beginning to be called (with descendant offspring) the Most Serene Prince.
  Gorchakov played a key role in the creation of the "Union of Three Emperors" (1873), trying to use it to prepare for a future war with Turkey.
  The Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878 was fought under the banner of the liberation of the Balkan peoples from Turkish rule. With its successful completion, Russia hoped to assert its influence in the Balkans. During the war, Gorchakov directed great efforts to ensure neutrality European states. In March 1878, a peace treaty was signed with Turkey in San Stefano, according to which Southern Bessarabia, which had been torn away under the Paris Treaty of 1856, was returned to Russia. The success of the Russian army and the peace treaty beneficial to Russiaat the Berlin Congresswere reduced to zero. Russia was represented at the congress by Gorchakov, and as he wrote to Alexander II: "The Berlin Treaty is the blackest page in my service career." Due to the opposition of England and Austria-Hungary, Russia lost the fruits of victory. Gorchakov and Bismarck broke off at the congress.

  For another three years after the Berlin Congress, Gorchakov was at the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He continued to make efforts to maintain stability in the country and the "balance of power" in Europe. But the years took their toll, and in 1880 hetravels abroad for treatment, retaining his post as minister.

  Which one of us, in old age, is the day of the lyceum
  Will you have to celebrate alone?

  Unfortunate friend! among new generations
  Annoying guest and superfluous, and a stranger,
  He will remember us and the days of connections,
  Closing your eyes with a trembling hand...
  Let him with joy, even sad
  Then this day will spend a cup,
  As I am now, your disgraced recluse,
  He spent it without grief and worries.

  A. S. Pushkin

  In 1880, Gorchakov could not come to the celebrations on the occasion of the opening of the monument to Pushkin, but he gave interviews to correspondents and Pushkinists. Soon after the Pushkin celebrations, Komovsky died, and Gorchakov was the last lyceum student left. These lines of Pushkin were said about him...

  The political career of Prince Gorchakov ended with the Berlin Congress m; since then, he almost did not take part in the affairs, although he retained the honorary title of state chancellor. He ceased to be a minister, even nominally, from March 1882, when N.K. Girs was appointed to his place.

  Already without his participation in 1881, negotiations were held in Berlin on the conclusion of the Russian-German-Austrian alliance. In March 1882, Gorchakov resigned from the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, retaining the rank of state minister.ntsler and the position of a member of the State Council. Moving away from active political life, he often spent time with friends, read a lot, dictated memories of his life and diplomatic activities.Until the lastdaysHesavedwonderful memory.

  history.vn.ua ›book/100aristokratov/79.html

  Gorchakov in literature:

  Pikul V.S. Battle of the Iron Chancellors. M., 1977.

  Boris Akunin: Azazel, Turkish Gambit under the slightly modified name "Korchakov".