Comrade Suslov about the Czechoslovak front. Comrade Suslov was a real communist - smart, sensitive and fair. About his work with personnel - history in photographs In the city committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, a “caveman” worked hard

04.04.2024

D'Artagnan from the GRU
About the author: Elena Mikhailovna Kuznetsova is an extremely stupid journalist.

During the Cold War, every citizen of the Soviet Union abroad was a unique person, a representative of the people that Europe was wary of and looked at warily. How could it be otherwise if the USSR was viewed by foreigners as a kind of “evil empire,” as one of the American presidents, Ronald Reagan, would later openly call the Soviet Union. Naturally, under the guise of official, often commercial, positions, other representatives followed everywhere - employees of the Main Intelligence Directorate (GRU) of the USSR Armed Forces.

GUEST VISIT

Once, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Ukrainian SSR was invited to Paris for the next UNESCO meeting at the organization’s headquarters. The distinguished guest, as expected, was assigned an accompanying person. A GRU officer who worked as the second secretary of the embassy was assigned to the minister. The mission entrusted to him was not very difficult - to look after the delegate, carry out his instructions, be a translator and provide any other assistance during his stay in the capital of capitalist France. In order not to distract experienced intelligence officers from performing really important tasks, they chose an employee who was not particularly distinguished by high moral and professional qualities, but was able to show the necessary helpfulness, and therefore, when it came to the short visit of the Ukrainian minister, the management had no doubts about who assign to accompany. The newcomer had, as they said, a bad character, so one not-so-decent comrade should be quite a worthy company for his own kind - so they quietly chuckled in the corridors of the embassy.

Every day, a luxury car, driven by an officer, drove from the USSR Embassy to the hotel. The minister was never alone anywhere. UNESCO sessions, walks around the city or shops - everywhere he was accompanied, picked up, dropped off, brought back to the hotel. The officer was his shadow and personal assistant. According to the program, they were supposed to visit the main attractions, because the Minister of Foreign Affairs, visiting for the next meeting on issues of education, science and culture, could not ignore the world cultural heritage that France possessed.

And she greeted the minister with the slender silhouette of the Eiffel Tower, the priceless collections of Parisian museums, the grandiose Versailles and the marvelous creations of Jules Hardouin-Mansart, created for Louis XIV, the “Sun King”. The luxurious Versailles gardens of Andre Le Nôtre in the Baroque style, with an endless lace of canals, flower beds and cascades of fountains, decorated with graceful figures, were supposed to amaze the Soviet guest with their beauty and wealth, like everyone who entered their territory many centuries ago. During the long walk through Versailles, the minister barely uttered a few words. His gaze sometimes perked up when young French fashionistas in light open dresses and outrageously short shorts passed by, laughing cheerfully. He thoughtfully looked around at the carefully trimmed lawns and lawns, lingered for a long time at the sculptural composition representing the god Apollo in his chariot and with his retinue, and then asked the employee accompanying him where he could order the same “for his dacha.” He also visited the Malmaison estate, which once served as the residence of Napoleon and Josephine, but the only thing that slightly attracted the attention of the bored minister were the obscene details of the love story of the famous spouses.

The minister was not at all interested in the old oaks and chestnut trees of the Meudon forest, which may have witnessed the walks of Moliere, Renoir or Manet. Maybe he would have refused the walk altogether, but his companion had mentioned in time how and what kind of animals the French kings had once hunted here. This fact interested the minister, and from that moment they discussed hunting, which he loved very much, his collection of guns and various game. Of course, being at some distance from officialdom and prying eyes, they could afford to relax and drink a couple of glasses of wine in the nearest tavern or cafe. French wine is light, the strong, seasoned body of a Soviet official accepts it in large quantities, and even if a positive interlocutor is nearby, then a cheerful feast from the quiet suburb of Meudon can be transferred to a Parisian hotel and an interesting conversation can be continued there, as they say, without unnecessary ears. On the way to Paris, they both listened to the tempting dull tapping of barrels of wine bottles, a dozen of which, packed in crisp paper by the caring hand of the owner of the Meudon tavern, awaited their fate in the back seat of the embassy car.

HONOR. DIGNITY. SCREWDRIVER

The pleasant conversation was continued in the minister’s hotel room, glass after glass, differences in age and status dissolved in white wine, then in red, then this bouquet was complemented by cognac from the hotel bar, then a pretty young maid brought in another decanter. Or maybe she was not at all pretty and not young at all, or maybe she was generally scary, like the horseman of the Apocalypse or your mother-in-law...

The discussion grew into an argument, the argument into a heated debate. The issue that pitted the official and the GRU employee against each other was so serious that it aroused the anger of the Ukrainian politician. In a loud voice, as if from a tribune, getting more and more excited every minute and breaking into a scream, he incoherently pointed out to the officer short, but very succinct directions, where even the strictest commanders had not sent him since the school. The official no longer realized that he was not in the native walls of his office, and the echoing echo was not coming from the high ceilings of his ministry, and it was not the loving eyes of his loyal subordinates who were looking at him, but the bloodshot eyes of a dangerously drunk and terribly angry military man.

Entering into a rage, the minister took off his expensive shoe and with a sharp movement launched it “from his foot” at his opponent sitting opposite. The glossy boot hit him squarely on the forehead. The officer jumped up and, rolling over the coffee table between the bottles, rushed to the offender. Not at all frightened, on the contrary, inspired by the well-aimed hit, the minister turned to the officer with the wide part of his hip joint, as if shielding himself from a possible attack, and, puffing contentedly, tried with very uncoordinated movements to pull the other one off his leg. Who knows what he was going to do with it, maybe he remembered a story about Khrushchev and was also going to hit the table or decided to use it to beat off an arrogant subordinate, but didn’t have time. A deft lunge and a beautiful, sharp Swiss screwdriver, smooth as butter, pierced deep into the minister’s soft buttock. He froze, awkwardly turned around, like a puppy behind its tail, trying to understand what had happened. Our hero tried to return his property. He grabbed the screwdriver and, stumbling, hung on it with all his weight. He could not get up; his last strength was thrown into a dash for retribution. His victim jerked, and the tool remained in his hands. Another shock in the wound apparently caused even greater damage to the soft tissues, the sight of one’s own blood sobered up, the thought slipped through the brain, clouded by alcohol fumes, that some kind of harm had clearly been done, and, finally, pain appeared. The officer could not resist and in the explanatory note, from which the details of this episode became known, he described the minister’s cry as a “pig squeal.” And the screwdriver is always with him. You never know, a scout must always be armed.

The minister's roar, growing as the pain spreading down his backside overcame the alcohol-anesthetic barrier, echoed further and further across the floor of the fashionable hotel. The administrator came running, panic among the guests, representatives of the embassy urgently arrived. The scandal was quickly hushed up, at least the hotel guests were completely satisfied with compensation in the form of expensive champagne and the legend of a nightmare that raised the Soviet guest in a cold sweat and caused such a terrible cry. Ah, these strange wild, very wild foreigners.

DIPLOMAT WITH DOUGH

The ending of this story was quite predictable at that time. In the morning, the officer, still rumpled and not yet sobered up, was reminded of his past deeds, informed that a review team for this offense had been assembled and he was immediately recalled from his business trip back to Moscow. A special commission was created, witnesses were interviewed, the victim’s testimony was recorded, the investigation report was filed in the archives, and the officer’s case was closed. He himself was urgently, albeit without much fuss, fired from the GRU. As for the “impaled” minister, at that time the high leadership in the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the person of Andrei Gromyko, who was throwing all his efforts into difficult Soviet-American negotiations on control of the arms race, against the backdrop of the growing aggravation of relations between the two countries, was clearly not in the mood consequences of the official’s personal exercises.

And this story would have been forgotten if it had not had an unexpected continuation. News began to circulate in the corridors of the department that the well-known Parisian d’Artagnan, who was expelled from the GRU and dismissed from the Armed Forces, somehow managed to get a job at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and, moreover, even make a very decent career there. The news came from reliable sources, then representatives of the department sat in both the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other responsible departments, so no one began to doubt the information. Further more: they said that he had already grown to the position of adviser and the leadership of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs decided to send him to Switzerland as deputy plenipotentiary representative of the Soviet Union.

A solid position next to a highly respected leader, Zoya Vasilievna Mironova, the permanent representative of the USSR at the UN European Office in Geneva, with the rank of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the USSR.

Zoya Vasilievna was known as a strong, even tough lady; she had a large staff, mostly professional people, experienced economists, journalists, lawyers, specialists fluent in foreign languages. No one had even a shadow of a doubt: most likely, the Foreign Ministry was simply not aware of what happened. In order to prevent a scandal and a very likely repetition of Parisian history, Major General Mikhail Lyalin recalled the file from the archive, once again familiarized himself with the file of the former employee and urgently ordered the preparation of a report to the CPSU Central Committee. The document contained a description and strong recommendations not to release the troublemaker abroad. Far from the intrigues of the government synclite, Mikhail Amosovich sincerely believed that by doing so he would not only prevent a scandal, preserving the appearance of a Soviet diplomat, but also save Zoya Vasilievna, a man of high principles and integrity, from the unnecessary headaches that the hooliganism of the children of officials often caused her, by the will of high-ranking popes who found themselves abroad.

The document was prepared and signed by the head of the Main Intelligence Directorate and sent to the CPSU Central Committee. This document is reported to the Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee. The meeting is chaired by the Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee Mikhail Andreevich Suslov. The principled and unyielding Suslov was the main ideologist of the party. For many years, under his control were not only the Ministry of Culture, State Television and Radio, all creative unions and public organizations, censorship, the press, he also supervised the political administration of the Soviet Army and Navy.

Perhaps it was precisely because he alone made all the decisions that Suslov reacted sharply negatively to the recommendations of the head of the GRU. He read the report, pursing his narrow lips, and then asked: “And who is this Comrade Ivashutin?”

The responsible employee of the apparatus did not catch the harsh notes in Suslov’s voice. Well, Mikhail Andreevich, this is the head of the Main Intelligence Directorate, an army general, an extremely thorough person, he would not bother the respected members of the secretariat over trifles. Suslov threw the report aside and said dryly: “Tell Ivashutin: don’t let him struggle.” Witnesses claimed that the Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee used a stronger expression, but, be that as it may, the issue was closed. And d’Artagnan went to Geneva to fulfill new duties as a diplomatic worker. Either he decided to settle down on his own, or he had a high patron who restrained his violent temper, or perhaps he was influenced by the example of comrade Mironova, but since then there have been no more discrediting stories in which he was involved, to the ears of his former colleagues didn't arrive.

Suslov Mikhail Andreevich- Soviet politician, member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, secretary of the Party Central Committee. Member of the RCP(b)/VKP(b)/CPSU since 1921.

Born on November 8 (21), 1902 in the village of Shakhovskoye, Khvalynsky district, Saratov province (now Ulyanovsk region) into a Russian peasant family.

In 1918–20 he actively worked in the village committee in Khvalynsky district. In 1924 he graduated from the Prechistensky Workers' Faculty in Moscow, in 1928 from the Moscow Institute of National Economy named after G.V. Plekhanov. Since 1929 - teacher of political economy at Moscow State University and at the Industrial Academy. then, from 1929 to 1931, he studied at the graduate school of the Institute of Economics of the Communist Academy and at the same time taught political economy at Moscow State University and the Industrial Academy.

In 1931, Mikhail Suslov, by decision of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, was sent to the apparatus of the Central Control Commission - the Rabkrin. In 1934–36 - in the Commission of Soviet Control under the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR (SNK USSR), then until 1936 - in the Commission of Soviet Control under the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR. In 1937-39, head of the department, secretary of the Rostov Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. In 1939–44, first secretary of the Stavropol Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.

In 1936–37 M.A. Suslov is a student of the Economic Institute of the Red Professorship. In 1937–1939 head of department, secretary, second secretary of the Rostov Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. In 1939–1944 - First Secretary of the Ordzhonikidze (Stavropol) Regional Committee and City Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks).

At the same time, in 1941 - 1944. member of the Military Council of the Northern Group of Forces of the Transcaucasian Front, since 1942 head of the Stavropol regional headquarters of partisan detachments. Since the end of 1944, Chairman of the Bureau of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks for the Lithuanian SSR. One of the initiators of the eviction of a group of people from the Baltic states. The Bureau headed by him carried out work to eliminate the consequences of the war and to combat numerous detachments of the “forest brothers” - anti-Soviet armed gangs in the allied Baltic republics.

Since March 18, 1946 M.A. Suslov worked in the apparatus of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) / CPSU. From May 22, 1947 - Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) / CPSU. In 1949 - 1951 editor-in-chief of the newspaper Pravda (organ of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks).

At the 19th Party Congress in October 1952, M.A. Suslov was elected a member of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee. Since October 18, 1952 M.A. Suslov was a member of the Standing Commission on Foreign Affairs under the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee and a member of the Standing Commission on Ideological Issues under the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee.

March 5, 1953 M.A. Suslov was removed from the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee. Together with P. N. Pospelov prepared an appeal from the Central Committee of the CPSU, the Council of Ministers of the USSR and the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR to all party members, to all workers of the Soviet Union about the death of I.V. Stalin. From April 16, 1953 to 1954, he worked as head of the Department of the CPSU Central Committee for Relations with Foreign Communist Parties. Since July 12, 1955 M.A. Suslov is a member of the Presidium (from April 8, 1966 - Politburo) of the CPSU Central Committee.

During the first attempt to remove Khrushchev in June 1957, at a meeting of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee, he was among the four members of the Presidium who voted against the release of N. S. Khrushchev from the post of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. However, in 1964, he chaired the meeting of the October Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, which relieved N.S. Khrushchev from both posts - First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR.

He played a huge role in the leadership of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the USSR from the second half of the 1950s until his death. Under L.I. Brezhnev, he was the second person in the Party, being the main ideologist of the CPSU. He stood unshakably in the positions of the most orthodox Marxism, rejection of any deviation from it, ideological war with bourgeois ideology. At the same time, he himself had practically no scientific work.

Suslov was distinguished by pedantry and extreme asceticism. He wore galoshes and old-cut suits. After trips abroad, he handed over the remaining currency to the party cash desk.

He always clearly conducted meetings of the Secretariat of the Central Committee, not allowing idle talk. According to the memoirs of the former editor-in-chief of the newspaper “Soviet Russia” M. F. Nenashev:

“Speeches take 5-7 minutes. I couldn’t keep up, a minute later M.A. Suslov said: “Thank you,” and the embarrassed speaker rolled up his notes. I confess that we, the participants in those meetings, the editors of the newspapers V. Afanasyev, L. Tolkunov, remembered M. A. Suslov more than once when his chairman’s place in the Secretariat was taken by Chernenko, Gorbachev ... and uncontrollable hours-long word debates swept the muddy wave of the executive body meetings party."

M.A. Suslov was elected as a deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of the 1st–10th convocations - all except the last. He was a member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR in 1950–1954, and since 1954 - Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Commission of the Council of the Union of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

Suslov supported the nomination of M. S. Gorbachev to Moscow:

“Suslov, going on vacation, sometimes visited Stavropol. And one day, during another visit, as they say, the local party leadership, including Gorbachev, invited and showed him... the museum of the life and work of Mikhail Andreevich Suslov. The elder gave in, was moved and repaid Gorbachev with kindness” (Gromyko A. A. “Andrei Gromyko in the labyrinths of the Kremlin. Memories and reflections of a son.” M., 1997. P. 70).

Died on January 25, 1982. He was buried in Moscow on Red Square near the Kremlin wall next to the grave of J.V. Stalin.

He was awarded five Orders of Lenin, the Order of the October Revolution, the Order of the Patriotic War, 1st degree, medals, and foreign awards, including the Order of Klement Gottwald (Czechoslovakia, 1977).

November 19, 1982 M.A. Memorial plaques to Suslov were solemnly opened in Moscow on the building of the Moscow Institute of National Economy named after G.V. Plekhanov in Zamoskvorechye (Stremyanny Lane, building No. 28), on the old building of Moscow State University (Mokhovaya Street) and on the facade of building No. 19 on Bolshaya Bronnaya Street.

Essays:

Marxism-Leninism and the modern era. Collection of speeches. - M.: Politizdat 1980;
Marxism-Leninism and the modern era. Selected speeches and articles. In 3 volumes - M.: Politizdat 1982;
On the path to building communism. Speeches and articles. In 2 volumes. - Frunze (Kyrgyzstan), 1982.

Sources:

Zenkovich N.A. The most closed people. Encyclopedia of biographies. M.: OLMA-PRESS, 2002
Article by Yuri Lebedev on warheroes.ru

Comrade's report Suslova

On November 1, at a meeting of the Party of Communists, Comrade Suslov, a former Cherepovets district commissar, one of the group of communists who had gone from here to the front in early August, made a report on the situation on the Czech-Slovak front.

News of the Cherepovets provincial and district councils of peasants, workers and Red Army deputies. No. 52. November 3, 1918

Report on the state of affairs on the Czechoslovak front, near Kazan

(Ending)

A few hours after arrival, they received the order to attack and moved forward at 4 o’clock in the morning. Here for the first time I was able to see the entire regiment and receive my battalion. The impression is not bad. People look good, they are riding forward cheerfully, but they are dressed poorly, some of their boots have completely fallen apart, others have their overcoats torn, others have something else, in a word, it immediately catches your eye that they have not been out of battle for a long time, and indeed they have been fighting in the field for a whole month. maneuver warfare and have never even been to a bathhouse.

Several regiments went on the offensive. The picture of the offensive produced a strange and incomprehensible impression. No matter how much I had to study the methods of field warfare before, I had never seen several regiments - all marching in one continuous chain, without reserves.

We marched more than a dozen miles forward, came into close contact with the enemy, pushed him back, occupied two villages, Tura and Osinovaya, and there were no more than 10 miles left to Kazan. The mood grew, it seemed that in a few days we would be in Kazan, but our successes turned out to be fleeting.

Soon the enemy's superiority in the conduct of the war took its toll. While we had no maps, the terrain was unfamiliar, there was no good command staff who could carry out an independent task of reconnaissance, protecting the flanks, etc., the officer battalions of the White Guards had everything. Our units acted independently, often without warning neighboring ones about the actions being taken, there was no communication between headquarters, and there was no common leadership. The enemy did not have these shortcomings. As soon as the White Guards showed activity, bypassing our flank with a small detachment of about a hundred people, all the regiments retreated in panic, giving up everything they had passed.

Many had to retreat without any pressure from the enemy, simply because their neighbors were retreating.

All our shortcomings were fully revealed. Especially an attack in a continuous chain, without reserves. The soldiers felt that the forces were on our side, and yet they beat us, thanks to our ineptitude. There is a need to reconsider the method of struggle. Military operations were temporarily suspended. Military revolutionary councils were created from all regiment commanders, brigade commanders, some battalion and all commissars.

At the meetings, we clarified all the mistakes made and developed a plan for conducting operations.

Work began to retrain the soldiers, to prepare to operate in separate columns, not closely connected with each other, but united by the commonality of actions of the headquarters. By this time, the senior command staff had changed; an energetic and efficient man, a former colonel who was well acquainted with the matter and fully sympathized with the communists, devoted to the cause and loving it, became the brigade commanders.

The political composition of the troops also improved significantly. Quite a few Petrograd and other workers joined, and communist cells were formed in all regiments, led by commissars and agitators. The command staff was replenished with non-commissioned officers, in some places former communist officers. The work was carried out in three directions: firstly, to create technically combat-ready shooters who were familiar with the basics of field warfare; secondly, to strengthen and clarify political class consciousness and, thirdly, to regulate and streamline the economic side of the regiments.

The results of the work soon had an impact: soon after the assassination attempt on Comrade Lenin, which weighed heavily on everyone’s soul and lit the fire of merciless revenge on their class enemies, namely, in September, they finally received the order to march on Kazan. We have been waiting for this moment for a long time.

From the very beginning, the offensive took on a systematic, well-thought-out character. Reconnaissance, strike units, reserves - everyone was in place. The leaders had maps taken from the White Guards during the raids. The offensive continued continuously. The Red Army soldiers advanced magnificently. No fire was able to stop the movement. The dead and wounded fell, and the rest walked forward and forward with red banners. Hundreds of prisoners, “dozens of machine guns,” guns and convoys recaptured from the enemy, demoralization in the ranks of the White Guard gangs - everything raised spirits and strengthened hopes. Already in sight of Kazan. We passed through wooded and swampy areas that made operations so difficult. On September 9, the final and decisive battle began. Infantry and artillery competed in bravery. Artillery observers go along with the infantry chains and adjust the fire of the batteries. One Red Army soldier takes five people prisoner. There are many other episodes of struggle where both mass and individual courage were demonstrated. Finally, the enemy was knocked out of the trenches and fled in panic to the outskirts of Kazan, to Porokhovaya and other settlements. The machine gun mass remains in our hands. Along the streets you can see how commanders stop the fleeing, but all in vain: our machine guns are already standing along the streets and scattering deadly lead.

The coming night does not provide an opportunity to develop success. In the morning we prepare for the battle for Kazan. Reconnaissance is sent out than light. We are driving through the streets of the settlement, there is no enemy anywhere, only workers, their wives and children are pouring out of their houses, there is activity everywhere, despite the early hour. They say that Kazan was left without a fight and the workers there have already taken power. We pass the Porokhovaya and Yagodnaya settlements and enter the city. A huge manifestation descends from the mountain to meet us. Thousands of working women of ordinary people, hundreds released from their prisons, joyful faces, everyone is rejoicing, the red banners of freedom proudly flutter in the liberated city. They surround us, take us off our horses, rock us, kiss us. The heart is ready to jump out of joy. The tests are over, rest in a free city lies ahead. Thoughts are rushing in a whirlwind about the great significance of the victory, the Volga will soon be free, our forces have strengthened, distant prospects for the triumph of socialism, the international brotherhood of peoples are being drawn - there is no doubt, the path is clear!

The good news is rushing to the rear. Less than an hour later, all the regiments, the entire command staff, our leaders are rejoicing. The telephones are ringing, the telegraph is delivering the news to the centers of the labor movement, to Moscow, Petrograd. All proletarian Russia welcomes victories. The failures are ending, the period of defeats is behind us, the army has become stronger, and we are entering a period of victories.

After two days of rest in Kazan, another no less joyful news was received: Simbirsk fell under the attack of the Red troops. We cannot lose a minute, on both sides, from Kazan and Simbirsk, we must squeeze the retreating gangs into a ring and deal them a blow from which they would not recover.

Doubts are creeping in whether our army will be so conscious and strong that after two months of fighting, without even having time to rest in Kazan, where it was promised a complete and long rest, it will go forward again. There were no fresh parts.

Our fears were in vain. The Red heroes, having received the order, with full awareness of its necessity, resignedly, boldly and proudly went forward. The matriculation exam was passed brilliantly. We are creating and have already created a strong-willed, highly conscious Red Army. Nothing can break it down. The temptation of millions of riches collected in Kazan and taken in battle did not attract or corrupt our heroes. Not a single robbery, not a single unauthorized step was taken. The clear consciousness that everything belonged to the entire proletariat made it possible for them to easily refrain from seizing untold wealth. The iron discipline of the old army could not do what was easily accomplished by voluntary discipline based on class consciousness.

After the capture of Kazan, the pursuit of the enemy began at a rapid pace. Red troops marched 25-30 versts a day. They took Laishev, Chistopol on Kama and other cities. In two weeks we covered more than three hundred miles. The White Guards showed complete decomposition. Hundreds of prisoners ran over to our side every day. Guns, machine guns, and convoys were thrown along the way. Residents everywhere joyfully greeted the liberators. They tried to help each other. They voluntarily carried bread, fodder, etc., and provided carts to facilitate movement. The Red Army soldiers showed their conscientiousness at every step, looked after their comrades so that no one dared to offend the peasants and bad luck to anyone who allowed himself to loot: a comradely court would mercilessly punish anyone who disgraced the reputation of freedom fighters.

There are still many minor shortcomings in the Red Army, there is not enough command staff, but all this will easily disappear over time. Young Red officers will bring a new spirit to the life of the army, and a close spiritual connection will be established between commanders and soldiers. The commander will be a senior comrade who educates and guides the life of the Red Army soldier. Spiritual cohesion and technical knowledge will make it possible for our army to become invincible in the coming days.

While the imperialist armies are disintegrating, revolutionary ferment begins there, the split between soldiers and officers grows, our young army grows stronger spiritually and quantitatively. This gives us complete confidence that we will be able to hold out and will not let go of the red banner under the pressure of international capital. There are revolutions in Germany and Austria. The approach of the reserves of the international proletariat will not be long in coming.

We will strain all our strength, everything for the Red Army, we will declare the country a military camp, we will call all the faithful sons of the proletariat under arms and we will defend Soviet Russia with our breasts. The end of the reign of the international robbers of capital is near!

The working class is waking up.

Long live the world revolution!

Long live the Third Combat International!

Jokes about Brezhnev

One came to apply for a job at the ministry, but was only offered a job as a toilet cleaner. He agreed and decided to conduct music. Suddenly Shevardnadze comes and says:

-Where is your toilet?

The cleaner saw him off and played Lezginka for him. He returns and asks:

— How long have you been working?

- First day.

— I’ll promote you to a higher position.

Chernenko comes in, the janitor plays the song “Why didn’t I juice.” He is also happy and promises a promotion. Brezhnev comes in and asks:

-Where is the toilet?

The janitor escorted him out and played the “Anthem of the Soviet Union.” Brezhnev comes out and goes to the janitor:

— How long have you been working?

- First day.

- First and last.

- Why? For what?!

— For the first time in my life I relieved myself while standing...

Jokes about Brezhnev

A foreign correspondent asks Brezhnev:

— How do you solve the problem of supplying such a huge country?

— Through its centralization. We bring everything to Moscow, and the population sorts it out from Moscow itself.

Jokes about Brezhnev

Brezhnev is walking along the Kremlin corridor. He's tired and can't think of anything anymore. Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko walked towards him with a shuffling gait. Brezhnev, seeing a familiar face, joyfully:

- Hello, Comrade Suslov!

Chernenko was taken aback:

- Leonid Ilyich, what are you saying, Comrade Suslov has already died a long time ago!

Brezhnev (after a pause):

- Yes!? Well then, comrade Suslov, goodbye.

Jokes about Brezhnev

Moscow. Kremlin. Office of the USSR Secretary General L. I. Brezhnev.

Brezhnev is sitting at the table, reading something. Suddenly they say over the speakerphone:

— Leonid Ilyich, the Americans are preparing the missiles for launch! We're being targeted!

Leonid Ilyich runs into the secret room. Sits down at the console. And there are buttons and under each signature is the country the missile is aimed at. Leonid Ilyich looks for the right button, saying:

-Where is America? Well, where is this damn America?

They say over the speakerphone:

- Five seconds until launch!

Leonid Ilyich:

- Eh, it was not! - hits all the keys with both hands, singing - This is the day of victory!!!

Erich Honecker, invited to Moscow for the May Day parade, asks Brezhnev:

— Leonid Ilyich, if you are the owner of the entire Union, then why is “Lenin” written on the Mausoleum?

Brezhnev (smacking his lips):

- And we... here... in the USSR... We don’t dot the “E”.

Brezhnev's daily routine:

9.00-Resuscitation.

10.00 - Breakfast infusion.

11.00 — Make-up for the gala dinner.

12.00 — Gala lunch.

13.00 — Distribution of orders.

14.00 — Receiving orders.

15.00 - 17.00 - Recharging batteries.

17.00 — Preparation for the gala dinner.

18.00 — Gala dinner.

20.00 — Clinical death.

The next morning at 9.00 - Resuscitation...

Leonid Ilyich arrives at the madhouse. They lined up all the fools and asked:

- Who came to us?

Everyone is silent. They ask again:

- Who came to us?

Silence. Finally one fool comes out and says:

A glass... of water

Appreciate the irony of fate! Myself Mikhail Andreevich He considered his main merit to be the introduction in all universities of the country of a subject that drove some students to the point of confusion - scientific communism. It must be said that Suslov had considerable experience in driving students and Komsomol members into shock. Actually, this is where he started his career. The protocol of the meeting of activists of the Khvalynsk city organization of the Communist Youth Union is known. A fair part of it is occupied by a discussion of the report our hero read, “On the personal life of a Komsomol member.” The result is approximately as follows: “He outlined his requirements for moral education in the form of commandments, what a Komsomol member can and cannot do. They decided: Suslov’s theses should be published and distributed to other cells.” The speaker was then barely 20 years old.

It is not difficult to guess what exactly these “moral requirements” were. And many years later, Life magazine sarcastically talked about Suslov, calling him a “true Soviet Aryan” and accompanying his photo with a buffoonish description: “Nordic, persistent character. In his personal life he is ascetic. Merciless towards the enemies of the USSR."

Laughter is laughter, but the personal preferences of the second secretary of the CPSU Central Committee were truly legendary. Okay - he doesn't drink or smoke. But he doesn’t drink to such an extent that he risks violating the norms of protocol: at official receptions, instead of vodka, carefully boiled water was poured into his glass. He wore the same coat, dark gray, with an astrakhan collar, for almost three decades. And he changed it only after Brezhnev joked ponderously at a Politburo meeting: “Let’s chip in to Comrade Suslov for a new coat.” The furniture in the nomenklatura apartment and dacha assigned to him by status bore the mark: “Administration of the Affairs of the CPSU Central Committee,” i.e., it did not personally belong to Suslov. Everything was also strict about offerings: “It never occurred to anyone to go to him with gifts. The author could have sent him the book. He was still taking this. But nothing else, God forbid. He'll drive you out of work."

Leaders of the CPSU and the USSR government on the podium of the Mausoleum of V.I. Lenin during the May Day demonstration: Nikolai Viktorovich Podgorny (second from left), Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, Alexey Nikolaevich Kosygin, Mikhail Andreevich Suslov. Photo: RIA Novosti

True, he was extremely capricious when it came to food - all eyewitnesses agree on this. Another thing is that the whims were specific: “They always kept sausages especially for Suslov. Everyone is served Moscow-style sturgeon, and he is served sausages and mashed potatoes.” Yes, such a gentleman has been found...

The most decent

Of course, the details of what the country’s top leadership prefers to eat were not covered in the press at that time. This is not your current “breakfast with Putin.” But the saying “You can’t put a scarf on every mouth” always applies. Some details about the personal lives of the leaders still leaked to the people. There is a recording of the interrogation of a junior lieutenant of the Soviet army Victor Ilyin - the same man who shot at Brezhnev’s motorcade, hoping to finish off “dear Leonid Ilyich.” The terrorist was asked the question: “Why did you want to kill the Secretary General?” The answer was discouraging: “Now they steal and steal everything, right down to the bolts and cogs. Brezhnev condones this. A new person must take his place. The most decent. At the moment - Mikhail Suslov."

The interesting thing is that all these legends were confirmed, and documented. Being an atheist, and in his early youth a completely atheist Komsomol member, Mikhail Andreevich acted in full accordance with the spirit and letter of the Gospel: “When you give alms, do not let your left hand know what your right hand is doing.” Only after his death did they learn that he regularly transferred a significant part of his considerable salary to the Peace Fund. And besides, to the best of his ability, he replenished the libraries of his native Saratov region.

One way or another, almost all the rumors, gossip and fiction that accompanied Suslov sooner or later turned out to be true. In the end, we are talking about a “gray eminence” whose entire life, by definition, consists of not entirely reliable data. And, oddly enough, these data are subsequently confirmed. Maybe the story about the embarrassment with the French communists is also true? After the removal of the leader of the PCF, who supported the Prague Spring, it was necessary to choose a new one. And in 1972, the personal file of a simple French communist with the beautiful name Jean and the no less beautiful surname Gondon was sent to Suslov for approval. They say usually reserved Mikhail Andreevich raged: “This is a provocation! Is it possible with such a surname to pay us a friendly visit? In a warm environment? And kiss in front of the camera with Leonid Ilyich? We just don’t have enough of these French ones here, when we have nowhere to put our own... Come up with something.” We came up with it. The summary was as follows: “We request the candidacy of Comrade. Reconsider Condon. His real name is Saint-Gondon and he bears the title of count, which could lead to a smear campaign in the bourgeois press."

Leonid Brezhnev and Mikhail Suslov. Photo: www.russianlook.com

In general, the origin let us down. At the same time Suslova there was nothing wrong with that. His father worked part-time in the Baku oil fields and was noticed in connections with revolutionaries. The strike movement in Baku was then led by a certain

Joseph Dzhugashvili. He is also Koba, and later - Stalin. Finally, another irony of fate. In 1962, the writer Vasily Grossman, whose novel “Life and Fate” was arrested and confiscated, sought Suslov’s help. The main ideologist then answered the writer: “Your novel will be published in three hundred years.” The novel came out 25 years later. And a quarter of a century later, a TV series based on this novel appeared. And its chief operator was, oddly enough, a man named Mikhail Suslov.

samarapedsovet.ru

Comrade Suslov about the Czechoslovak front. Comrade Suslov was a real communist - smart, sensitive and fair. About his work with personnel - history in photographs In the city committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, a “caveman” worked hard

Essays:

Sources:

Jokes about Brezhnev

Jokes about Brezhnev

Jokes about Brezhnev

SEE ALSO MOST POPULAR:

A glass... of water

The most decent